URBINO. A new centre of the highest significance to Italian stringed-keyboard instrument design and construction.
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N.B.: Grant O'Brien holds the copyright on all of the material on this web-page, none of which may not be copied, reproduced, or published in any form without his written permission: grant.obrien@claviantica.com
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Second Part: The studiolo intarsia clavichord in the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino.
©Grant O’Brien, Edinburgh, July 2025
A photograph of the part of the studiolo intarsias showing the famous clavichord.
A simple explanation of the string-scaling design of the Urbino studiolo clavichord in the Palazzo Ducale, in Urbino.
The second instrument described here is a highly-accurate intarsia ‘drawing’ of a clavichord in the studiolo (study room), 1473 – 1476) of the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino. Although this clavichord is simply a drawing in wood, unlike most extant instruments of such a considerable age, this instrument has not suffered a single alteration to its case, string lengths nor fretting pattern, in the subsequent 550 years after its initial design. Therefore all of the features evident in this intarsia are represented without having to disentangle the later alterations from its original state. What is truly remarkable and quite unexpected about this ‘drawing in wood’ is the amazing accuracy with which it was carried out. This will be descrobed later in this chapter.
Section 1 – Federico da Montefeltro in the wider setting.[1]
Scholars at Federico’s Court could
calculate the string scalings of the instruments that they were designing
using ordinary long division or multiplication, without resorting to the use
of logarithms, which hadn’t yet been developed. But Federico’s scholars
did make use of Pythagorean scalings based on multiplying the string
lengths successively by the 12th root of 2 =
=
1.05946 . But, surprisingly, multiplication factors based on the 11th
root of 2, =
=
1.06504, and on the 14th root of 2, =
=
1.05076 were also incorporated into the design of their instruments. These
latter factors (very close but approximate) were used in their designs to
take into account the variable strength of their wire which came about as a
result of the work-hardening of the wire, which occurred during the actual
wire-drawing process. To my knowledge no historical maker has used anything
but the 12th root of 2 in the entire period after Federico’s
Court in 1572, going right up to the beginning o the 19th century
– except for the Urbino harpsichord made c.1710, and now in the Ca’
Rezzonico in Venice - which is the subject of Chapter 6 below.
What has become clear as a result of the work done on RCM0001 and on the intarsia image of the clavichord in the studiolo of the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino, is that the designers of these instruments, who both attended at the Court of Federico, Duke of Montefeltro in Urbino, understood both the instruments and their musical use, and the properties of the wire they used in relation to the pitch of their instruments. There is strong evidence that they did this at a level of total mastery and of the highest degree of sophistication. The clavicytherium RCM0001 has been shown above to have been designed and made using the unit of measurement of Urbino itself. Logically (and in fact) this points to the clavicytherium having its origins in Urbino, and having been made at the Court of Federico. But, having ascertained this with a high degree of confidence, what has then come as a complete surprise is that, although the studiolo as a whole and the clavichord intarsia in particular, were clearly made for the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino where they are now located, the intarsia itself does not use the same unit of measurement as that used in Urbino itself, and therefore is also not the same unit as that used in the RCM0001 clavicytherium. Hence, the intarsia of the clavichord was not made in Urbino! This is discussed in detail below. The measurements of Pierre Verbeek[2] of the case and of the string lengths of the clavichord all indicate, as will be shown below, that the intarsia was designed and made in the small towns of either Fossombrone or Castel Durante, both just outside of Urbino.
But where are Fossombrone and Castel Durante, and what is their relevance to Urbino and to the Duke of Montefeltro?
Fossombrone and Castel Durante are two small settlements less than 20km from Urbino. They were, however, strongly connected to Urbino both throught their physical proximity, and also geographically and politically as a part of the Duchy of Urbino. Fossombrone is where Federico also engaged architects to built a fine fortress and palace for himself – the Corte Alta, now the Museo Civico e della Pinacoteca Civica “A. Vernarecci”. The current name of the town of Castel Durante is Urbania, and this name dates to 1636, when Castel Durante was renamed in honour of Pope Urban VIII Barberini who was born there. It therefore seems likely that the intarsias were designed and made in either Fossombrone or Castel Durante (both of which used the same length for the size of their unit of measurement), and were then transported overland to be installed in the studiolo in Urbino a short distance away. However, because of the close relationship between Fossombrone, Castel Durante and Urbino, the intarsias could equally-well be considered to have been ‘made in Urbino’.
Figure 1 – A part of a map made for Francesco Maria II delle Rovere, Duke of Urbino, entitled DVCATVS VRBINI NOVA ET EXACTA DESCRIPTIO 1616, by Ioannes Battista Urientis (Jan Baptista de Vriendt) showing the proximity of Urbino, Fosso[m]brone and Castel Durante (note the unusual direction of the arrow at the top left pointing North).
Castel Durante and Fossombrone are each separated from Urbino by a distance of less than 18km by foot or by cart. Castel Durante used the same size for its unit of measurement as Fossombrone, but the size of this unit in these two centres was distinctly different from that used in Urbino itself. Gubbio, where Federico was born, and which was the favourite residence of his second wife Battista Sforza, is located about 60 km south of Urbino, and so is well off this map to the right.
Federico Duke of Montefeltro held dominion over a large number of the smaller and larger centres throughout the Province of Le Marche seen in the map of Figure 1 above. As noted previously, Federico earned his immense fortune as a condottiero or a military venturer. And so naturally he wanted to keep and maintain the various centres under his own domain, and did not want to be forced to cede any of them, nor any of his territory, to his aggressive neighbours. This meant that he needed to build up defences in each of these centres so that he would be able to fend off any rebellion or enemy attacks. Federico therefore launched a huge project to build forts, castles and fortified palaces in each of these many positions. Federico maintained defensive troops within such minor centres, which he could then use to retain power and to maintain control over these centres ruled by him.
Section 2 – The Palazzo Ducale in Urbino
Figure 2 – The magnificent Palazzo Ducale in Urbino. The Cathedral on the left is not a part of the Palazzo complex which, however, actually extends quite some distance further to the right of what is seen in this photograph.
The studiolo is located behind the window on the left of the top floor (actually the piano nobile when approached from the street or from the inside of the palazzo) between the two towers slightly to the right of the centre of this photograph.
The Palazzo Ducale in Urbino was the principal residence and the focus of the activities of Federico da Montefeltro. The construction of the palace there was commissioned by him and proceeded in phases in various periods during the middle and third quarters of the fifteenth century. Federico’s first condotta, or military campaign, which he led even before he became Duke of Urbino, was an assignment working for Francesco I Sforza, the founder of the great Milanese Sforza family. Francesco I Sforza was, himself, also a highly-successful condottiero in his own right, and was an important inspiration to Federico. Because of Federico’s reputation for encouraging loyalty among his followers, he began his career as he carried on, and won a battle in favour of Francesco Sforza in 1538. Then, a complicated series of battles, alliances and broken alliances ensued, involving various aristocratic nobles, their families, and a rapid succession of Popes including several who were both patently corrupt and biased against Federico. But eventually Francesco Sforza transferred Pesaro to the control of Federico and, for an additional 13,000 florins, Federico received Fossombrone as part of the exchange. This both infuriated some of Federico’s neighbours of nobility, but pleased others in the region. Then, in 1443, Federico’s older half-brother Guidantonio was murdered[3] and Federico took on the reigns of the Duchy, and with it the control of Fossombrone.
However, having already begun the enlargement of the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino in 1459, it was then, in 1464, that Federico decided to build a second Ducal Palace – the Corte Alta – in Fossombrone. In order to achieve his desires, Federico engaged a succession of 3 of the most important Italian Renaissance architects of the time to carry out his commission:
1. Maso di Bartolomeo (1406 – c.1456) had already been called to Urbino by Federico in 1449, probably as a result of the intervention of the famous Florentine painter Fra Lippo Lippi (c. 1406 – 1469). Maso began his career in Urbino with work on the Church of San Domenico, just opposite Federico’s Palazzo Ducale there. As such he was the first Renaissance architect to work in the Capital of what is now the Province of Le Marche. From the month of March of 1450 he worked on various engines of war for Federico, to help the latter with his career as condottiero. But after 1554, along with several other architects, he worked on the construction and extensions to the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino.
2. Luciano Laurana (c. 1420 – 1479) is usually considered the principal architect of the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino. He was engaged by Federico chiefly because of his reputation for building bastions and impenetrable fortresses. Having carried out work elsewhere for Federico, he began work in Urbino in about 1466, and started making designs for the renovation of the ducal palace of Federico almost immediately. In 1468 he was named chief architect to the Court. The palace that Laurana designed was a part of one of the largest, most ambitious and the most successful attempts in the Italian peninsula at town planning during the period of the early Renaissance. But Laurana left the employ of Federico suddenly in 1472, and with his departure he left the Palazzo Ducale unfinished.
3. Francesco di Giorgio Martini (1439 – Siena, 1501) was an architect, painter, engineer, sculptor and maker of medals and medallions. He took over the work of Laurana in about 1474 two years after Laurana had left, and continued his work there until Federico’s death in 1482.
It is significant to note here that none of those actually indicated as being involved in the architecture of the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino was known for their involvement in woodwork or artistic woodwork such as that involved in the studiolo of Federico. So, although it would be easy to assign many aspects of the brilliant design of the interiors of the Palazzo Ducale to Giorgio Martini, there seems to be no archival evidence at all to link him to the design of any aspect of the studiolo intarsias. More will be said about this in Section ‑14 near the end of this chapter.
Section 3 – The intarsia image of a clavichord at quint pitch in the studiolo of Federico da Montefeltro, Urbino, 1473 – 1476.
The remarkable Court of Federico da Montefeltro in Urbino has been discussed above. Along with the many other projects carried out by Federico for his new Palazzo Ducale was a small studiolo or study room on the piano nobile[4] of the ducal palace. Among the many other representations of musical instruments in the Urbino studiolo is the image seen below Figure 3.
Figure 3 – The clavichord depicted in the perspective intarsia in the Duke of Montefeltro’s studiolo in Urbino, 1478 – 1482.[5]
Palazzo Ducale, Galleria Nazionale delle Marche, Urbino
The image of this clavichord has been well known for many years, and considerable work and study has already been carried out on the intarsia and it’s details. `The author is greatly indebted here to the work of Edwin M. Ripin, Denzil Wraight, Angelo Mondino, and particularly to Pierre Verbeek[6] for their measurements and results used here throughout this discussion. In the analysis made here, the lengths calculated by Pierre Verbeek (see Table 7 below) have been used when plotting the scalings seen in Figure 5, and when calculating the size of the unit of measurement used in the design and construction of this instrument in Table 2 and in Figure 4.
The clavichord in this intarsia has the same F,G,A to f3 compass as most of the somewhat later virginals and harpsichords made at the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the next century in Italy and elsewhere. Notable among these is the large number of virginals by Gianfrancesco Antegnati.[7] It is suspected that the intarsia image in the Urbino Palazzo Ducale is the earliest representation of an instrument with this historically-important, although basically unrecognised, compass. This clavichord is represented with a single bridge of constant height with two feet and a shape (excluding the straight, flat top) like that seen on the bridges of many contemporary stringed instruments, and in particular the instruments of the viol family (see Figure 8 below). Because the bridge has a straight, flat top, and because there is only one bridge, the instrument has to be fretted across virtually the whole of its entire 4-octave compass. The strong cranking of the keylevers in the bass, necessary because of the fretting design, is clearly visible in the intarsia image and in the drawing of Figure 6 below. These features all point to the intarsia being a representation of a real instrument that must once actually have existed and must have been played exactly as depicted in this intarsia drawing. Because of the unusual quadruple fretting of the clavichord it is possible to play many more notes from a single pair of strings than that normally found on, say, the usual double- or even a triple-fretted clavichord.
As with all of the other features of the Urbino intarsia clavichord measured by Pierre Verbeek, he has measured and drawn the bridge of this instrument. What is notable about Verbeek’s drawing is that, although he has given its measurements in mm, these all convert – almost exactly – into simple units of the Fossombrone oncia as, of course do all of the other measurements given in the publications by Pierre Verbeek as will be discussed below.
Pierre Verbeek has gone to great lengths to correct for the perspective distortions evident in the intarsia drawing, and has produced some remarkable results giving the proportions, dimensions and string scalings of the instrument depicted in the drawing. Verbeek calculates the relative lengths directly from the intarsia and also even gets the actual string lengths corrected for the perspective distortion by using a scaling factor. By using a scaling factor and assuming that the front face of the clavichord in the intarsia is the actual size of the ‘real’ clavichord, he arrives at results that are completely internally consistent and that relate, for example, to the string lengths, to the scalings and to the pitch of RCM0001, as will be shown below.
Mathematically and scientifically it is clearly very important to begin any analysis of the design of the string scalings of an instrument with a graph of these where the vertical axis uses a semi-logarithmic scale. However, when Pierre Verbeek analyses the string lengths, he unfortunately plots these lengths on a linear scale. The problem with this is that an ordinary plot on a graph with both axes having a linear scale, is that it is incapable of showing the fine detail of the stringing design – which is a logarithmic design. Such a linear plot disguises totally any Pythagorean or geometric-progression design features which may have been worked into the design of the instrument being studied by its designer and maker. For example, a linear graph does not show that there are minor changes in the scaling design at the notes e1/f1 and d#2/e2 which only become evident when the lengths are plotted on a graph with a logarithmic y-axis. These design changes can be seen in the scaling graph plotted in Figure 5, and they are discussed below in detail in Section ‑5. The result is that, because of the lack of any subtlety of such a linear plot, Verbeek then states incorrectly that the scalings are all closely Pythagorean.
However, when his string lengths are re-plotted on a normal semi-logarithmic scale (see Figure 5 below), it is clear that some of the string lengths near the middle of the compass are indeed Pythagorean, but that, although they are all logarithmic in that they plot a graph with a series of straight-line segments, they are not all Pythagorean. Although this is a rare feature of a stringed-keyboard instrument, and needs careful consideration in order to be understood correctly, it has already been encountered in the design of the RCM0001 clavicytherium studied in the previous section. The consequences of such a design are profound for a clavichord – particularly one such as this one which is strongly fretted. And these consequences relate the RCM clavicytherium closely to this studiolo clavichord.
Section 4 – Establishing the unit of measurement used in the design of the intarsia clavichord in the studiolo of Federico da Montefeltro, Palazzo Ducale, Urbino
Before plunging into a discussion of the subtleties of the string-scaling design of the intarsia clavichord, it is first necessary to determine the size of the unit of measurement used in the design of the case and keyboard of the instrument as a whole. Then, once the size of the unit of measurement used in the case of the instrument is known, it will be possible to apply this unit to the analysis of the string-scaling design. Because the image of the clavichord is an intarsia image, the woods used in the construction of the case, soundboard, bridge, wrestplank, key levers, key coverings, etc. of the ‘real’ instrument represented by the intarsia image are all unknown, and they cannot therefore be listed here as they would in any normal catalogue-style description of an instrument. However, the outside case dimensions, the case thicknesses and the measurements of the keyboard projection (indicated in Figure 4 below with a dashed line) have all been measured and calculated by Pierre Verbeek and are as follows:
Case Baseboard
Length: 1005 981
Width: 216 192
Width of keyboard: 734 734
Keyboard projection: 82 82
Left of keyboard: 122 110
Right of keyboard: 148 136
Table 1 – The measurements of the case and baseboard in millimetres as calculated by Pierre Verbeek.
The clavichord depicted in the perspective intarsia in the Duke of Montefeltro’s studiolo in the Palazzo Ducale, Urbino, 1478 – 1482.
The case is of the usual Italian-style construction with thin sides (12mm) attached to the outside edges of the baseboard. It is assumed that, as is normal in Italian construction, the baseboard was therefore constructed first, and that the case sides were then added onto the outside edges of the baseboard subsequently. It is therefore the dimensions of the baseboard itself that were set out initially by the maker, and these dimensions were almost universally marked out in simple numbers of the local unit of measurement. These dimensions would have been designed by the maker to be simple, easily-remembered numbers. It is immediately apparent that the ratio of the keyboard projection (82mm), to the space to the left of the keyboard (110mm), to the space to the right of the keyboard (136mm) are very close to being in the ratio of 3:4:5. For such small numbers the simplest numbers involved in these measurements are therefore 3 once:4 once:5 once. Using the measured lengths of these sides divided by these numbers gives a first estimate of the size of the oncia being used by the maker of the intarsia clavichord to design the baseboard. A simple calculation shows that this is about 27.3mm (see Table 2 below).
Taking the dimensions of the main
baseboard plank in mm, we find that the ratio of the length to the width of
the baseboard to be:
=
5.11 ≈
=
5.14. This result, yielding the simple numbers 36 once (=3 piede
= 3 feet) and 7 once for the length and the width of the
baseboard, then suggests that the length of the baseboard is 36 once
= 3 piedi, and that the width of the baseboard is 7 once.
This means, in turn, that the oncia lies somewhere in the range of
=
27.25mm to
=
27.43mm. These estimates of the size of the unit used in the clavichord’s
design were then used to make the calculations given in Table 2
below. These show additionally that the width of the keyboard and its
position and projection also all result in simple whole numbers of a unit of
a size close to 27.26mm, as calculated below. By implication these
simple oncia measurement are the numbers that were used by the
polymath scholar who designed the instrument represented in the intarsia
image. All of these measurements can then be expressed in the maker’s own
local unit of measurement as seen in Table 2
below:
Col. 1 |
Col. 2 |
Col. 3 |
Col. 4 |
Col. 5 |
Col. 6 |
Col. 7 |
Col. 8 |
Element of the intarsia clavichord being measured |
Measured length |
Calculated estimate in once |
Nominal |
Calculated oncia |
|
Weighted length |
|
measurement |
Weight |
|
|||||
Length: |
981 |
36.04 |
36.0 |
27.25 |
12 |
327 |
|
Width: |
192 |
6.98 |
7.0 |
27.43 |
2.33 |
64 |
|
Keyboard width: |
734 |
26.97 |
27.0 |
27.19 |
9 |
244.67 |
|
Keyboard projection: |
82 |
3.01 |
3.0 |
27.33 |
1 |
27.33 |
|
Left of keyboard: |
110 |
4.04 |
4.0 |
27.50 |
1.33 |
36.67 |
|
Right of keyboard: |
136 |
5.0 |
5.0 |
27.2 |
1.67 |
45.33 |
Average oncia: |
Case height: |
82 |
3.01 |
3.0 |
27.33 |
1 |
27.33 |
|
|
Calculation for the weighted average: |
28.33 |
772.33 |
27.26 |
Table 2 – Measurements of the case, baseboard and keyboard used to calculate the unit of measurement used in the design the intarsia clavichord.
The clavichord depicted in the perspective intarsia in the Duke of Montefeltro’s studiolo in the Palazzo Ducale, Urbino, 1478 – 1482.
Column 2 of Table 2
above lists, additionally, the measurement of the height of the case (which,
certainly by design, is the same as the keyboard projection), of the width
of the keyboard and of the baseboard of the intarsia clavichord without the
additional thicknesses added by the case sides (there are no top or side
mouldings to add to these). As noted above from the measurements of the
keyboard projection and the spaces on either side of the keyboard, the size
of the unit of measurement used in the design of the intarsia clavichord
must lie in the range of 27.00mm to 27.26mm. Using a unit of roughly this
size, the dimensions of the baseboard and keyboard were estimated to have
the nominal lengths given in Column 3 of Table 2.
Using the measured values given in Column 2 divided by the nearest integral
whole number, (= the nominal value) in column 4 in place of the estimated
value in column 3, gives the sizes of the ‘Calculated oncia’ in
Column 5. Clearly these values are all remarkably close to one another and
all have a value fairly close to 27¼mm. In order to calculate a good
estimate of the size of the unit of measurement utilising all of the
available measurements, the averaged value of the calculated unit was
determined by weighting each measurement in linear proportion to the size of
the smallest measurement (82mmm). The weighted lengths are calculated in
Column 7, and the sum of the weights and of the weighted lengths were
totalled in the bottom row of the table. The overall weighted average
resulting from this is =
27.26mm.
This is therefore a good estimate of the averaged value of the size of the unit of measurement used in the design and construction of the case of this clavichord.
Therefore, as determined here from the case and keyboard measurements above, the size of the piede used by the maker of the Urbino studiolo intarsia would be 12 x 27.26mm = 327.11mm. Perhaps surprisingly, this is not the size of the Urbino unit found in the previous section, nor is it the size of the unit found for the Duchessa d’Urbino virginal studied in the next section. But a close examination of numerous texts on historical metrology, shows that this length is very close to the size of the piede known to have been used in both Fossombrone and Castel Durante, two centres roughly 18km from Urbino, but both of which are also a part of the Duchy of Urbino (see above). A number of historical metrologists give a unit of 325.8mm for the length of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante piede, a discrepancy of only 0.26% from the value calculated here for the Metropolitan Museum virginal. No other centre is known to have used a unit of measurement as close to this as that used in Fossombrone and Castel Durante. The significant difference between the measurements used in Urbino where 1 oncia = 29.49mm, and that used in this clavichord where 1 oncia = 27.26mm[8], is therefore a strong indication that the unit of measurement of Fossombrone/Castel Durante was that which was actually used in the design of the Urbino studiolo clavichord intarsia and that, logically, the instrument in the intarsia was designed and made in Fossombrone or Castel Durante. More will be said later about the strong political, cultural and intellectual relationship between the centres of Urbino, Fossombrone and Castel Durante.
Figure 4 – The dimensions of the baseboard of the intarsia clavichord as measured by Pierre Verbeek (above) and as converted into units of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia = 27.26mm (below).
The clavichord depicted in the perspective intarsia in the Duke of Montefeltro’s studiolo in the Palazzo Ducale, Urbino, 1478 – 1482.
The design of the case and keyboard of the Urbino intarsia clavichord, when its dimensions are all expressed in units of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia (as above in Figure 4), are all very simple numbers – they are all integral numbers – and are therefore all numbers that could be remembered easily by those who were tasked with building this model of clavichord on a day-to-day basis: 7, 36, 3, 4, 5 and 27 are the only numbers the maker would need to remember when making this instrument. Not included here in the discussion of the use of the unit of measurement used in Fossombrone/Castel Durante are the many other dimensions and measurements of the intarsia clavichord, and of the other intarsias in general. Although the measurements of the baseboard and keyboard (above) clearly use the unit of measurement of Fossombrone/ Castel Durante, the most convincing evidence that the intarsia was made using the Fossombrone/Castel Durante unit of measurement comes from the string scaling design discussed below in Section ‑ 5.
Section 5 – The string scalings measured from the intarsia drawing of the clavichord seen in the studiolo of the Duke of Montefeltro in Urbino.
The string scalings, measured and recorded in such a way as to include a correction for perspective, have been calculated by Pierre Verbeek in millimetres, and are given in Table 3 below. These corrected scaling measurements are plotted on the usual semi-logarithmic graph in Figure 5 below. The string-length measurements in Table 3 have all been converted into units of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante once using a value for the size of the oncia = 27.26mm calculated in the last row of Table 3 above. These string-length measurements are plotted in millimetres in the graph shown in Figure 5 below. Once the points were plotted in this way, it was initially noticed, even just ‘by eye’, that the string-scaling graph of Figure 5 when plotted using a semi-logarithmic scale was characterised by three separate straight-line segments (plus the foreshortened bass part), and that each of the straight-line sections of the graph gave string lengths that, on average, increased in length at different, but constant, rates that do not, except for the middle section, correspond to the rate of increase of length found in Pythagorean scalings. These straight-line sections seemed, just by drawing a line roughly through the points, to be in three separate parts discussed below, and seen clearly in the 3 different colours used in the graph of Figure 5 below.
# Played note |
Scalings |
|
Played note |
Scalings |
||||||||
Measured[9] |
Calculated |
|
Measured |
Calculated |
||||||||
mm |
once |
once |
Mf |
mm |
|
mm |
once |
Once |
Mf |
Mm |
||
f3 |
79.5 |
2.92 |
3.00 |
17/16 |
81.7 |
|
f1 |
336.5 |
12.36 |
12.47 |
18/17 |
339.5 |
e3 |
85.0 |
3.12 |
3.19 |
17/16 |
86.8 |
|
d#1 |
373.0 |
13.70 |
13.65 |
21/20 |
371.6 |
d#3 |
91.5 |
3.36 |
3.39 |
17/16 |
92.2 |
|
d1 |
394.5 |
14.49 |
14.33 |
21/20 |
390.1 |
d3 |
98.0 |
3.60 |
3.60 |
17/16 |
97.9 |
|
c#1 |
405.0 |
14.88 |
15.05 |
21/20 |
409.6 |
c#3 |
102.0 |
3.75 |
3.82 |
17/16 |
104.1 |
|
c1 |
427.5 |
15.71 |
15.80 |
21/20 |
430.1 |
c3 |
109.5 |
4.02 |
4.06 |
17/16 |
110.6 |
|
b |
448.0 |
16.46 |
16.59 |
21/20 |
451.6 |
b2 |
116.0 |
4.26 |
4.32 |
17/16 |
117.5 |
|
bb |
481.5 |
17.69 |
17.42 |
21/20 |
474.2 |
bb2 |
125.5 |
4.61 |
4.59 |
17/16 |
124.8 |
|
a |
492.0 |
18.07 |
18.29 |
21/20 |
497.9 |
a2 |
131.0 |
4.81 |
4.87 |
17/16 |
132.6 |
|
g# |
526.0 |
19.32 |
19.21 |
21/20 |
522.8 |
g#2 |
140.5 |
5.16 |
5.18 |
17/16 |
140.9 |
|
g |
554.0 |
20.35 |
20.17 |
21/20 |
549.0 |
g2 |
150.5 |
5.53 |
5.50 |
17/16 |
149.7 |
|
f# |
565.0 |
20.76 |
21.18 |
21/20 |
576.4 |
f#2 |
161.0 |
5.91 |
5.84 |
17/16 |
159.1 |
|
f |
598.0 |
21.97 |
22.23 |
21/20 |
605.2 |
f2 |
169.5 |
6.23 |
6.21 |
17/16 |
169.0 |
|
e |
630.0 |
23.14 |
23.35 |
21/20 |
635.5 |
e2 |
179.5 |
6.59 |
6.60 |
17/16 |
179.6 |
|
d# |
673.0 |
24.72 |
24.51 |
21/20 |
667.3 |
d#2 |
190.0 |
6.98 |
7.00 |
18/17 |
190.5 |
|
d |
687.0 |
25.24 |
25.74 |
21/20 |
700.6 |
d2 |
202.0 |
7.42 |
7.42 |
18/17 |
201.9 |
|
c# |
735.0 |
27.00 |
27.03 |
21/20 |
735.6 |
c#2 |
216.5 |
7.95 |
7.86 |
18/17 |
213.9 |
|
c |
774.5 |
28.45 |
28.38 |
21/20 |
772.4 |
c2 |
227.5 |
8.36 |
8.32 |
18/17 |
226.6 |
|
B |
787.5 |
28.93 |
29.00 |
- - - |
789.4 |
b1 |
241.5 |
8.87 |
8.82 |
18/17 |
240.1 |
|
Bb |
801.5 |
29.45 |
29.45 |
- - - |
801.5 |
bb1 |
256.5 |
9.42 |
9.34 |
18/17 |
254.3 |
|
A[10] |
815.5 |
29.96 |
29.90 |
- - - |
813.9 |
a1 |
270.5 |
9.94 |
9.90 |
18/17 |
269.5 |
|
G |
826.0 |
30.35 |
30.36 |
- - - |
826.4 |
g#1 |
282.0 |
10.36 |
10.49 |
18/17 |
285.5 |
|
F |
837.0 |
30.75 |
30.82 |
- - - |
839.1 |
g1 |
297.0 |
10.91 |
11.11 |
18/17 |
302.5 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
f#1 |
319.5 |
11.74 |
11.77 |
18/17 |
320.4 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Table 3 – The measured string lengths and the pragmatic system that may have been used to calculate them in both mm and in units of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia. The numbers in red text for bb2 and c#3 are the interpolated lengths for the ‘missing’ tangents for these notes.
The clavichord depicted in the perspective intarsia in the Duke of Montefeltro’s studiolo in the Palazzo Ducale, Urbino, 1478 – 1482.
I suggest that the measurements highlighted in orange in Table 3 are the fundamental lengths used by the builder of the intarsia clavichord as the basis of its design. These measurements correspond to the lengths of the top note of each of the three design sections. These three lengths can all be expressed in simple integral numbers of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia. The colours of the calculated lengths in Table 3 are the same as those used in the graph of Figure 5, and in the drawing of Figure 6 below. The results of the calculations are discussed below.
Figure 5 – The scaling graph of the Urbino intarsia clavichord using the string-length measurements of Pierre Verbeek, plotted against both the sounded note (top axis) and against the played note (bottom axis).
The graph of Figure 5
above is packed with information, and will probably need careful studying by
most readers in order to understand it fully, and to appreciate fully the
brilliance of its design. What is almost disguised in the string-scaling
graph of this figure is the way the fretting of the tangents along the
string distorts the scaling graph. And what is also not really clear from
this graph is that the keylevers for the adjacent fretting groups in the
lowest bass and tenor sections lie very close to one another so that their
string lengths at the extremes of each of the fretting groups are very
similar to one another. The effect is particularly strong in the tenor part
of the compass below f1 where the width of the keylevers is much
smaller than the actual distance between the keylevers and tangents. This
feature is necessary in the design in order to achieve the correct pitches
for the notes a semitone apart in the various separate fretting
groups. This therefore means that the tensions in the strings which lie
between the notes tenor c and f1 are such that the notes further
into the bass are slightly slacker and therefore somewhat less likely to
break. This is as it should be, however, since the larger string diameters
are weaker because they are less work-hardened as explained above. But
there should be no confusion in the understanding of the design of the
scalings here since this regular, systematic length reduction for the lower
notes in this fretting group, is just what is needed to achieve the required
pitches. The graph shows that there is a clear design intention to reduce
the overall scalings going from e1 down to tenor c, with a
scaling-reduction coefficient R =
=
1.04987. . . What the author finds of particular interest in the intarsia
instrument is that the same reduction coefficient used here in the
tenor part of the intarsia clavichord design, was also used in the design of
the treble scalings of RCM0001 as seen in the scaling graph above.
This clearly shows a strong relationship between the maker(s) of the two
instruments, even to the point of implying that only one person was
responsible for the design of the two instruments.
The drawing of the graph seen in Figure 5 above is rather more complicated than it might at first appear.[11] In both the graphs and in the discussion below, the note names referred to in the annotations always refer to the played note, and not to the sounded note which has been deduced here to be a fifth higher in pitch than the played note. As explained above there are two missing tangents in the actual drawing of the intarsia in the Urbino studiolo. The positions of these ‘missing’ tangents has been interpolated to give an additional string length between the ‘missing’ notes just above and just below them. The interpolated scalings for the ‘missing’ tangents for bb2 and c#3 are shown in red in Table 3 and are plotted in red in Figure 5 as if these strings, with their tangents, actually existed.[12]
Straight short-dashed lines have been drawn between the top and bottom notes of each fretting group that give notes that do, in fact, give pure Pythagorean fifths. But, for the most part, these short dashed lines are almost indistinguishable from the long heavy lines indicating the different fretting-design groups. The expanded boxed section covers the two middle fretting groups of the lowest design group which have been indicated here in dark blue. The section boxed in a dashed green line is shown expanded by a factor of 1.5 in a position slightly above and to the right of the box covering the actual design-section straight line. This exaggerates the differences in the string lengths, the pitches and the tuning at the ends of each of the fretting groups making them more clearly visible, and therefore, it is hoped, more understandable.
What is immediately obvious from Figure 5 is that the string scalings, as suggested above, plot a graph that, overall, is made up of several simple straight-line design sections, each of which is plotted here in a different colour corresponding to the colours used in Table 3. The notes at the ends of each of the fretting groups is marked on the graph with short, thick diagonal lines. The notes between these short diagonal lines are all played on the same pair of strings and are said to be fretted together. The changes that occur in the string-scaling design also occur at the same notes as those of some of the fretting-pattern transitions. These are marked by long, diagonal heavy straight lines. These are all indicated in the graph of Figure 5 where the same colours are used as in the table of the string lengths of Table 3 and in the schematic drawing of the instrument itself seen in Figure 6.
In order to analyse exactly how the string scalings were designed for each of the straight-line segments in Figure 5, the lengths in each of the straight-line design groups were fitted separately to a corresponding straight line using the usual linear-regression analysis by the method of least squares. Such a procedure gives the best straight line which fits all of the points taken together to the design of each of the straight-line segments.[13] Clearly these will not fit the regression analysis results exactly because of the irregularity introduced ‘artificially’ by the requirements of the Pythagorean tuning. The results of these calculations are those given in once and in mm in the two right-hand columns of Table 3 above. The slopes of the lines of the separate sections of the graph of,Figure 6 are those given in Table 4 below and are discussed in the following section.
The drawing seen in Figure 6 below shows the general layout of the intarsia clavichord in Urbino using the dimensions and string lengths calculated by Pierre Verbeek, but without the additional biases resulting from the perspective distortions. Added to the drawing by Verbeek, this drawing also shows the four sections of the design indicated by the annotations at the top of the drawing:
1. a lower bass section from the bottom note F to the note B has irregular fore-shortened scalings (shown in orange) with no regular mathematical relationship between them.
2. a bass section from the notes c to e1 with lengths that, on the average, double every 14 notes[14] and that have very tight spaces between each of the fretting groups (shown in dark blue).
3. a middle section from the notes f1 to d#2 with lengths that, on average, double every 12 notes (regular Pythagorean scalings) shown in magenta.
4. a treble section from the note e2 to the top note f3 with lengths that double every 11 notes on the average and that have keylevers that are very narrow at the tangent end (shown in light blue).
Figure 6 – A schematic drawing[15] of the intarsia clavichord.
The clavichord depicted in the perspective intarsia in the Duke of Montefeltro’s studiolo in the Palazzo Ducale, Urbino, 1478 – 1482.
The ‘missing’ tangents in the treble for bb2 and d3 are shown in red in the diagram of Figure 6 above in their interpolated positions. Not shown here are the bichord strings for each note, and the doubled tuning pins necessary for these.
It is extremely important to note here that there are two things happening simultaneously in the design of the instrument that can be seen in the graph of the scalings in Figure 5 above. These two things have both to be understood and analysed separately in order to grasp the brilliance of the design of this instrument. What is unusual here is that the position of the frets in each fretting group produces semitones and minor thirds that are of the correct calculated size for Pythagorean intonation. At the same time, by a strict calculation of the separation of each fretting group in the bass part of the compass, and by a strict calculation of the separations and sizes of the ends of the keylevers in the treble part of the compass, there is an over-riding regularity in the scaling design that is not Pythagorean. It may take a bit of reflection to realise what this means and how it was achieved physically. This is obviously not the case for the short design group of less than an octave in the middle of the compass from f1 to dT1 (drawn here in magenta) which does, as usual correspond to Pythagorean scalings with a Pythagorean multiplication factor.
What is truly amazing and absolutely brilliant about this design is that the person who calculated the positions of the tangents of this clavichord was able to amalgamate the correct and accurate tuning of each fretting group to give the correct pitches for Pythagorean intonation with pure fifths, but with 3 different overall multiplication and reduction factors, two of which have nothing to do with Pythagorean scalings nor with the Pythagorean scaling coefficient. The sophistication of this design is something that has taken the author some time to get to grips with and to understand mathematically and intellectually .
It has, however, expanded the author’s appreciation of and respect for the designer(s) of this clavichord exponentially!
What this means in practice is that this clavichord was designed by a master capable of the absolute highest level of sophistication, who had superb mathematical abilities and thought processes. To make it even more impressive to us living now with the advantages of calculators and computers, is that this was all done without even the use of logarithms, let alone pocket calculators or desk-top computers. The methods used rely on the simplest mathematical principles of multiplication and division, but produce a design of unexcelled sophistication!
Section 6 – An interpretation of the string scalings of the intarsia clavichord in the studiolo of the Duke of Montefeltro in Urbino.
What is truly surprising and unusual about the scaling graph of Figure 5 is that the designs of sections 2 and 4 are not Pythagorean in nature, but rather that they have a design with scalings which, overall, double every 14 notes and every 11 notes, respectively. Therefore, although the overall scalings are not Pythagorean throughout the whole of the treble and tenor parts of the compass as they are for the instruments made after about 1500, they are all geometric and therefore all logarithmic in each of the 3 separate sections indicated, since they each plot a graph that is a straight line on a graph with one logarithmic axis. This is true for the top 3 sections, but not for the lowest foreshortened bass section. Therefore the lengths in each of the middle and top sections can, generally but not exactly, be calculated by multiplying each of the lengths in a given straight-line section by a constant factor, a fact that is a simple property of any logarithmic function.[16] This multiplication coefficient is just the factor introduced in Section 1.10 above and which is called the multiplication coefficient Mf and its reciprocal, the reduction coefficient Rf.
In order to confirm these conclusions which have been ‘eyeballed’, but not yet subjected to a rigorous analysis, each group of points in each of the separate parts of the compass was analysed individually by taking the logarithm of the individual measurements of the lengths, and fitting the logarithms for each section to individual straight lines using the usual linear-regression analysis separately for each of the different sections. Fitting each section in this way gives the ‘best fit’ line for each section of points in order to represent the string lengths calculated by Pierre Verbeek as accurately as possible and in a mathematically rigorous way. The actual fitted scalings are those shown with heavy lines in the graph of Figure 5. Each of these heavy lines follows the measured string lengths very closely ignoring, for the time being, the positioning of the tangents in each of the fretted sections in order that the tuning should result in Pythagorean intonation. These three lines seem to be a good mathematical representation of what was intended by the person who designed the clavichord depicted in the intarsia drawing. The errors in the three fitted sections, calculated using the linear-regression analyses, are given below in column 3 of Table 4.
|
Calculated by l.r.a.b.t.m.o.l.s. [17] |
Theoretical calculations of Mf |
|||
Section of compass |
Slope |
Error in slope |
Exact method |
Pragmatic method |
Difference[18] |
c to f1 |
1.04986 |
1.04% |
|
|
0.085% |
f1 to d#2 |
1.05853 |
1.05% |
|
|
0.089% |
e2 to f3 |
1.06475 |
0.95% |
|
|
0.238% |
Table 4 – Showing the use of the linear-regression analyses to calculate the differences between the theoretical and calculated values of each straight-line section of the graph shown in Figure 5 above.
The clavichord depicted in the perspective intarsia in the Duke of Montefeltro’s studiolo in the Palazzo Ducale, Urbino, 1478 – 1482.
It is also true that the exact theoretical values of the slopes calculated by the linear-regression analysis and given in Table 4 above can all be expressed as the nth root of 2 (column 4). However those involved in the design of the clavichord image in the Palazzo Ducale would not have had the mathematical tools to be able to carry out these exact calculations since this would have involved the use of logarithms. Because, as mentioned previously, the practical use of logarithms was invented only much later in 1614 by Baron John Napier of Merchiston in Edinburgh. Napier (Neper in Latin), who was known as ‘Marvellous Merchiston’ and as ‘Napier of the Logarithms’ in his time, was widely celebrated not just for his work on logarithms, but also for his inventions of one of the first mechanical calculators (a series of marked white square rods called ‘Napier’s Bones’), and he can also can be credited with his introduction to into the field of mathematics, of a practical use of decimal fractions,[19] his being the same common procedure still in use today. The latter is by far the most common practice of a method first introduced by John Napier.
However, Napier’s method of carrying out the calculations for the scaling design of the RCM clavicytherium and the studiolo clavichord in the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino would not have been available to those working on these instruments almost 140 years earlier than the publication of Napier’s work (published in Edinburgh in 1614), and so at a time about 140 years before the creation of the intarsias in Urbino. As mentioned in a footnote above, the process could, however, also have been done using one or more of several iterative procedures that would have produced a highly accurate result, although rather laborious to carry out. But since the scalings are logarithmic in nature, it also means that the situation is somewhat simplified since the length of one string can be calculated in a very simple way from the previous one, simply by multiplying (or dividing) its length by a constant factor. Some of the numbers that might have been used to do this are given here in column 5 of Table 4. These numbers, although they do not correspond exactly to the theoretical factors, do give results that are very close to those obtained using the exact method calculated using logarithms. These are shown here to give some idea of how these calculations might have been carried out without invoking the use of logarithms. For example, the resulting error differences given in Table 4 in the last column, between the exact and the pragmatic methods, are all less than 0.25%.
The kind of procedure utilised above is
the same as that still suggested by many senior-school text books, or practical
handbooks for designing stringed-keyboard instruments, when calculating
Pythagorean string lengths. A simple high-school ‘rule-of-thumb’ often used to
calculate Pythagorean scalings is to multiply each string length by in
order to calculate the length of the string for the next lower note relative to
the one just measured. Because this is not, strictly, an exact method since
multiplying
by
itself 12 times in succession gives 1.98556 instead of 2.0000 . . . The
difference amounts to only 0.7%, so that using this approach is still very
accurate, and any slight differences can be corrected by the instrument tuner.
This therefore results in an adequately-accurate result, it avoids the exact
calculation of the 12th root of 2, and is very easy to apply using normal long
division and multiplication which were mathematical operations that were well
within the capabilities of those working on the intarsia in about 1475.
The analysis carried out in Table 3 above is critical to our understanding of the design of this clavichord. This table shows two notable features of the design very clearly:
1. The close similarity of the numbers seen in Table 3 above shows that the stringing design, and not just the design and layouts of the case and keyboard, is based on the length of the oncia used in Fossombrone/Castel Durante. Table 3 shows that the lengths of the strings for the notes f3, d#2 and e1 were designed to be 3 Fossombrone/Castel Durante once, 7 Fossombrone once and 13 Fossombrone once respectively. The design based on these three simple, easily-remembered lengths measured in Fossombrone/Castel Durante once, and the simple multiplication ratios for each section, is a clear indication that the intarsia was designed and made in Fossombrone/Castel Durante and not in Urbino where it might initially have been thought to have originated. Taken together with the case measurements discussed above which were found also to be based on the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia, it is therefore an almost certainty that either Fossombrone/Castel Durante is the centre in which the intarsia clavichord was designed and carried out – and therefore not in Urbino itself where the intarsias are actually now located.
2.
It shows further that the lengths
of the strings for the notes in each section below f3, d#2
and e1 were designed so that the lengths of the strings of the notes
below these critical design scalings were almost certainly multiplied repeatedly
by the pragmatic multiplication coefficients Mf =
,
and
respectively
in order to determine the length of the next lower notes. This system was then
‘fine-tuned’ by the accurate positioning of the tangents to get the exact note
according to the precise theoretical lengths required for the accurately-tuned
pure fifths required by Pythagorean intonation.
That the string-scaling design is based on integral units of the Fossombrone oncia (point 1 above) should not be surprising since we have already seen above that the baseboard measurements – the structural basis of the instrument design – were also measured out in units based on the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia (see Figure 4 above). This establishes clearly that the design of the intarsia originated in Fossombrone or in Castel Durante, and not in Urbino itself. No other unit with another size could have produced these results which are in the relation 3:7:13, a series of numbers clearly without any common factors. It might also suggest that the creation, cutting and assembly of the intarsia panels also took place in Fossombrone/Castel Durante and not in Urbino, but no actual archival evidence has yet come to light to confirm or refute this possibility.
Section 7 – Are the string scalings and the tangent positions measured from the studiolo intarsia correct for tuning in Pythagorean intonation?
Not surprisingly for a tuning system that is as far removed from equal temperament, where every semitone has the same size in cents, the tuning system of Pythagorean intonation produces semitones that are strongly unequal. Whereas in equal temperament all semitones have a size of exactly 100 cents, in the tuning system of Pythagorean intonation used here, the major semitones have a value of 113.69 cents and the minor semitones have a size of 90.23 cents. But, because of the error of the measurements of Pierre Verbeek, added to the error of the intarsiatore (intarsia cutter) who created the image in Federico da Montefeltro’s studiolo in Urbino, none of the major or minor semitones calculated from the tangent positions of the intarsia clavichord has semitones of exactly these values. The error in the measurement of the tangent positions in millimetres is the same for all of the measurements taken and calculated by Pierre Verbeek. However, the percentage errors in the treble, where the lengths of the strings are short, is greater than the percentage error of the strings in the tenor and bass which have longer string lengths.
What is at first striking about
Figure 5, is that the tangents are so positioned that, within any given
fretting group, they result in notes pitched perfectly for Pythagorean
intonation with pure fifths (except for the fifth from the notes b up to
the notes f#). However, both the calculated sizes of the
semitones – and their position in the circle of fifths for Pythagorean
intonation – are all correct for Pythagorean intonation as depicted in the
intarsia image of the clavichord represent there. AND THIS IS TRUE EVERYWHERE
EXCEPT for the sizes of the calculated intervals of the measured lengths
crossing over between one fretting group and the next. Because these ‘false’
intervals are almost random in their size because of the imposition of the
multiplication coefficients
and
the
to
the overall string-scaling scheme, the calculated sizes of the intervals between
the fretting groups using the measured string lengths are correspondingly random
in their size. Between the fretting groups, the calculated sizes of the
semitones all have errors that mean that they lie very slightly outwith the
expected values of 113.69 cents and 90.23 cents.
However, within the fretting groups the semitone intervals have both the correct sizes and the correct position within the tuning scheme for Pythagorean intonation, with the ‘wolf’ interval between the notes b and f#. No other tuning scheme would give correct values for both of these two factors.
In addition the sizes and positions of the semitone intervals indicate that the instrument was designed so that the ‘wolf’ fifth, for this instrument, was positioned between the notes b and f# right from the start of the tuning process. This therefore indicates that, without a doubt, the fretting scheme was designed for Pythagorean intonation.
At first it might seem strange that a clavichord should not, overall, have Pythagorean scalings, especially given that it is such a strongly-fretted instrument like the one under discussion here. It is, of course, true that an un-fretted clavichord can only have Pythagorean scalings in order that the pitches it produces correspond to those of the normal musical scale. Therefore it seems completely counter-intuitive to see that here the string scalings are not Pythagorean in two different sections of the compass where different logarithmic scaling coefficients are invoked by the clavichord’s designer. The notable difference here is that this clavichord is very strongly fretted with fretting groups composed of alternating groups of 3 and 4 notes. Such strong fretting is exceedingly rare.[21] However, it is easily possible to achieve the correct tuning of such an instrument because of the large groups of notes all fretted together in groups of 3 and 4, taken together with a non-regular spacing of the tangents between the fretting groups. The same applies, of course, to un-fretted instruments like virginals, spinets or harpsichords. But the correct Pythagorean intonation of this type of strongly-fretted clavichord is possible without the scalings, overall, actually being Pythagorean. It is only because of the large sizes of the fretting groups that this is possible. What the designer did here was, in the bass design section shown in dark blue, to space the tangents between each fretting group more tightly together than the space between the tangents of the notes of the fretted group itself. This pushed the tangents of adjacent fretting groups tightly together in such a way that the overall scalings for the dark-blue design group (as seen in Figure 5 and in Figure 6) had a reduction coefficient for the design group taken as a whole, that was less than the averaged reduction coefficient for Pythagorean scalings.
The way this was achieved by the maker of this instrument is surely one of the greatest achievements in the entire history of stringed-keyboard instrument design. It is a design feature that, to the author’s knowledge, occurs only in this one instrument made near the beginning of the historical period of stringed-keyboard instrument building and design.[22] This is but the first indication of the unusual, but extremely brilliant nature of the design principles used in this instrument.
Regular string scalings that appear not to be Pythagorean in this way, were achieved relatively easily as follows. In Figure 6, it is clear that, for example, the keylevers for the notes for the fretting group with c, cT and d have frets spaced along the string pair they have in common, in such a way that they give the correct pitches for each of the notes in this fretting group. Here it is just the spacing of the frets based primarily on the width of the tails of the keylevers, that gives rise to accurate Pythagorean intonation. This is also true for the following quadruple-fretting group for d#, e, f and f#, and then for the fretting group for g, g#, a and bb. However, it is very important to note in Figure 6 that the two fretting groups – from c to d, and the fretting group from d# to f# – although they have the correct sizes for major- and minor-interval semitones within each of the two fretting groups, they are not placed a distance along the strings equivalent to a major or a minor semitone in pitch, relative to one another. These fretting groups are, instead, placed very tightly together.[23] This does not matter since the strings involved in the two fretting groups are independent of one another, and can therefore be correctly tuned for each fretting group on its own, and are therefore at slightly different tensions. The situation between the notes f# and g, and between a and bb (see Figure 6 above) is even more extreme where, indeed, the tangents of the keylevers of each fretting group need to be placed very tightly together indeed. The same applies to the keylevers and tangents at the ends of the fretting groups for the notes c#1 and d1 which are also placed tightly together. But each fretted group can anyway be tuned separately to the correct pitches with each fretting group producing notes tuned in Pythagorean intonation. This is true simply because they occur on different, independent string pairs. The next fretting group from f1 and above corresponds to a new stringing design, drawn here in magenta with Pythagorean scalings that double in length every 12 notes (instead of below f where the string lengths, on the average, double in length every 14 notes).
The values in Table 4 above show that the assumed values (Theoretical Mf) for the multiplication coefficients are indeed remarkably close to those calculated from the linear-regression analyses (Calculated Mf) using the measured string lengths given by Pierre Verbeek. All of these have differences between the measured and the calculated results that are smaller than 0.1%.[24] This small difference between the assumed multiplication coefficients and the theoretical values are so small that it can therefore be safely assumed that the results determined here are, indeed, the values of the multiplication coefficients used by the designer of the clavichord and by the intarsia artist. This result gives confidence to both the assessment of the calculated size of the unit of measurement of Fossombrone/Castel Durante used to design this clavichord and to the calculations of the scaling multiplication/reduction factors.
Section 9 – Other features of the intarsia drawing whose measurements use the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia.
It has been shown above that the case measurements, the keyboard measurements and the string scalings of the intarsia clavichord in the studiolo of the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino all have a design based on the length of the oncia used in either of the small centres Fossombrone or Castel Durante, only a few kilometres away from Urbino itself. However, it seems clear to the author that all of the other components of the intarsia clavichord must also have been designed using the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia. One isolated and arbitrarily-chosen example of a part of the clavichord which must also have been designed on the basis of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia is the bridge of the clavichord, seen at the right-hand end of the instrument in Figure 3 above, with a detailed enlargement of the bridge seen in Figure 7 below showing it more detail.
Figure 7 – A detail of the bridge of the Urbino intarsia clavichord. Image not to scale.[25]
Based on the measurements he has taken of the clavichord bridge, Pierre Verbeek has made a drawing of it[26] and labelled it with the measurements that he has derived. Some of these millimetre measurements translate into totally plausible measurements when converted into units of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante once using the value of the length of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia determined here (see Table 5 below).
|
Verbeek measurements |
|
Element of the clavichord |
in |
converted into |
being measured |
mm. |
Fossomb. once |
Total length of the top of the bridge |
98 |
3.5950 |
Length of the top left |
45 |
1.6508 |
Length of the top right |
53 |
1.9442 |
Height of bridge |
22 |
0.8070 |
Width of left foot |
11 |
0.4035 |
Width of right foot |
15 |
0.5503 |
Radius of left end |
28 |
1.0271 |
Circular cutouts |
9 |
0.3302 |
Height of the centre of the middle cutout |
8 |
0.2935 |
Table 5 – Verbeek’s measurements of the bridge in mm and in units of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia.
However, as is obvious from this table, some of the measurements do not at all correspond to simple measurements using the common fractions of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia, which was divided into 12 punti, and which should have resulted in ‘tidy’ fractions of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia. It is also the case that, by assigning different lengths to the left- and right-hand ends of the bridge, Pierre Verbeek’s analysis implies a strong asymmetry in the shape of the bridge that does not appear in the actual image of the bridge in the intarsia itself (see Figure 7 above). So, admittedly without any basis in measurement or in scientific analysis, the author has been motivated to suggest some possible measurements of the bridge which give sizes for its various elements that correspond to simple fractions of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia, and that give a shape for the bridge that seems to correspond closely with the actual image. These are shown in Table 6 and in Figure 8 below.
|
Suggested length |
|||
Element of the clavichord |
in |
in the oncia of |
Nominal |
% |
being measured |
mm |
Fossombrone |
fraction |
difference[27] |
Total length of the top of the bridge |
95 |
3.485 |
3½ |
0.43 |
Height of the bridge |
20 |
0.7337 |
¾ |
2.18 |
Width of the two feet |
14 |
0.5136 |
½ |
2.71 |
Radius of the curves at the ends of the bridge |
14 |
0.5136 |
½ |
2.18 |
Circular cutouts in lower edge of the bridge |
9 |
0.3302 |
⅓ |
0.95 |
Height of the centre of the middle cutout |
7 |
0.2568 |
¼ |
2.71 |
Table 6 – The author’s suggestions for the measurements of the intarsia clavichord bridge in mm and in units of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia.
Clearly there is very little difference between the nominal size of the clavichord elements measured in units of the Fossombrone oncia, and the size of same element when measured in millimetres. These measurements are shown in REF _Ref90548443 \h Figure 8 below, but with the exact equivalent millimetre measurements in the top drawing of the Figure.
Figure 8 – The dimensions of the bridge suggested by the author. Scale 1:1.
To me, the drawing of the lower part of Figure 8 seems to represent the size and shape of the image of the intarsia bridge seen in Figure 7 above very well. This gives the author confidence that the suggested size and shape of the bridge given in Table 6, and in the drawing of Figure 8, are a good representation of the actual bridge shape and size seen in the photograph of the actual intarsia bridge in Figure 7 above.
So it would appear that the bridge size and shape can also be expressed in units of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante once, along with the case measurements, the keyboard measurements, the elements of the string-scaling design and even the fretting pattern of the instrument.
It has already been noted here that the
string-length multiplication coefficient used in the tenor part of the compass
of the intarsia clavichord between c to e1 utilises exactly the same
multiplication ratio as that found for the treble part of the RCM0001
clavicytherium, and seen above. This characteristic, and highly unusual,
multiplication coefficient appearing in both instruments (along with the usual
Pythagorean scaling coefficient) strongly suggests to the author that there is
some kind of a connection between the maker/designer of RCM0001 and the
maker/designer of the Urbino studiolo intarsia clavichord. Indeed no other
historical keyboard instrument is known to the author that has a string-scaling
design that uses the unique multiplication coefficient found here in these two
instruments of
.
This suggests the strong likelihood, therefore, that these two instruments,
which both originated in the Court of Federico da Montefeltro in Urbino during
roughly the same period, shared a common maker/designer. It also suggests
further that, although RCM0001 was made using the Urbino oncia, and the
Urbino intarsia was designed using the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia,
there was, in fact, some connection between them reflected in the
similarity of the string-scaling designs using the pragmatic multiplication
coefficients
in
the parts of the designs using Pythagorean scalings, and
in
the part of the designs with string-length doubling every 14 notes. These two
factors are, remarkably, the same for both instruments. And these
two scaling coefficients are not found in any other instrument(s) known to the
author.[28]
This encourages the author to say that the two instruments not only have some
design elements in common, but that they share the same polymath designer!
In the part of the compass of the clavichord between f1 to d#2 the scaling design is perfectly normal with Pythagorean scalings that double every 12 notes. But from e2 to f3, a compass of slightly more than one octave, there is a change in the scaling design of the studiolo clavichord which results in string lengths there that double in only 11 notes, rather than in 12, or rather than in 14 notes. However shocking this may at first seem, the close adherence of the fitted points to the design-straight-line plotted for string lengths doubling every 11 notes, indicates that this was, indeed, the design intention of the maker/musician/artist who designed the intarsia instrument. This can be seen in the 3 sections of the scalings graph seen in 5 above. For the notes in this part of the compass, the difference between the exact ratio, and the pragmatic ratio calculated by the linear-regression analysis to fit a line that doubles every 11 notes, is only 0.13%. Clearly the designer of this clavichord was not burdened nor weighed down by the later (nor by the modern) obsession with Pythagorean scalings!
On an instrument with an F,G,A to f3 compass such as is depicted in the studiolo intarsia clavichord, the changes in the scaling design from one multiplication/reduction coefficient at the notes e1/f1, and at the notes d#2/e2 should not be surprising since, as Denzil Wraight has shown correctly, most early Italian instruments were designed, not on the basis of their c string lengths, but on the basis of their f string lengths.[29] Although the scaling design of the Urbino intarsia clavichord does not follow the Wraight ‘f’ criterion exactly, it does inform the somewhat later Italian practice in not changing at the ‘c’ notes and in having a scaling design based on the ‘f’ notes.[30] The extremely small errors calculated above, the sophistication of the fretting pattern when used in conjunction with Pythagorean tuning with pure fifths, and the incredible simplicity of the design when seen from a mathematical point of view, all point to a competent designer/maker/polymath of absolutely superb abilities.
What is most startling to the author about this analysis is firstly that the person who drew the drawing from which the intarsia was made did so in such a geometrically correct and technically and mathematically accurate way that the string-doubling principles with doubling in 14, 12 and 11 notes is actually retrievable from the intarsia drawing that was, in turn, probably made from the artist’s or maker’s original drawing or his actual instrument. The drawing of the intarsia is so accurate that even the notes at which the scaling design changes – at e1/f1 and at d#2/e2 – becomes evident when the scalings are retrieved from the intarsia and plotted on a semi-logarithmic scale. This means that, not only was the drawing made using the correct principles of perspective drawing set out by Alberti[31] at Federico’s Court, but also that the intarsia cutter was so incredibly accurate in his work that it is now, almost 550 years after the design was cut and installed in the studiolo, still possible to recover many of the important aspects of the clavichord maker’s design of this instrument, including even the fact that it was tuned in Pythagorean intonation.[32] Secondly what is remarkable about this analysis is the outstanding work of Pierre Verbeek in analysing the perspective principles being used in the intarsia drawing to arrive at the completely internally-consistent numbers that he has calculated, and that have been used here in the author’s analysis.
Section 11 – The pitch of the Urbino studiolo intarsia clavichord.
Clearly, in the unfretted, foreshortened bass part of the compass of the intarsia clavichord below tenor c, the string lengths deviate strongly from Pythagorean theory. A measurement-scaling factor for the whole intarsia has been calculated by Pierre Verbeek and he uses this to calculate the ‘real’ lengths of the strings and, from these, a speculative pitch for the instrument. It seems clear to the author that Verbeek is correct in assuming that the front of the clavichord case in the intarsia represents the actual size of the instrument since this results in the same 3-octave span for the keyboard, seen just in front of it, of the intarsia clavichord as for the ‘flesh-and-blood’ keyboard of the RCM0001 clavicytherium. However, a pitch comparison is, in general, possible only if the scalings are Pythagorean. Since they clearly are not Pythagorean throughout the whole of the compass of either instrument, this is not possible. However, the scalings of the clavichord are Pythagorean in the part of the compass from f1 to d#2.[33] A moment’s reflection makes one realise that there is no way to calculate the relative pitches of two instruments when both, or even only one of them, uses non-Pythagorean scalings.
On the other hand, in the particular case of RCM0001 and the Urbino intarsia, both instruments do each have at least a section of their compass with Pythagorean scalings, where a pitch comparison is possible. So the string lengths from these two separate Pythagorean sections in each of the two instruments were compared. What has been done therefore is to make a comparison on the basis of the length of the string of the note c2 = 226.3mm found for the Pythagorean part of the design in the intarsia clavichord (see Figure 5) with the lower section of the scaling design of RCM0001 (see the graph of where the c2-equivalent of the notes with Pythagorean scalings is 192.3mm. It is this note, and this part of the scaling design that have been used to calculate the pitch and stringing material(s) of the Urbino intarsia clavichord analysed in the section below.
It will be demonstrated below that the clavichord in the Urbino intarsia drawing was designed, like the RCM clavicytherium, to sound at a pitch a fifth high at R + 5, relative to normal pitch R. The top axis of Figure 5 has therefore been additionally labelled according the sounded pitch of the notes being played, whereas the lower axis is labelled according to the actual played note. The reader is warned to take note of this, and to keep the two in mind, but still separate. The argument starts by assuming that the pitch and stringing of the clavichord in the intarsia image are the same as those of the real and tangible RCM clavicytherium studied above. As with the calculation of the pitch of RCM0001 made above, the string length for c2 for this clavichord can be compared with the normal c2 brass scaling of about 292mm calculated for the instruments of the Ruckers/Couchet families and, in the Italian peninsula, for the instruments of Gianfrancesco Antegnati among numerous others. Antegnati is one of the earliest makers in the Italian peninsula who left a large number of instruments that, taken together, can be compared with one another and can be used for a pitch assignment. Comparing these, the relative pitch ratio is:
String-length ratio R =
=
1.290[34]
Assuming the same stringing material as
determined for RCM0001 above, a pitch level a fifth high would have a ratio near
=
1.500, which is totally different from the value of 1.290 found here. A pitch
level a fourth high would have a ratio near
=
1.3333, and a pitch level a major third high relative to ‘normal’ pitch would
have a ratio near
=
1.2500. So all of these, mathematically, are notably different from the value
of 1.290 found for the intarsia clavichord. Obviously none of these gives us a
satisfactory result if it is assumed that the intarsia clavichord was strung
with strings of brass wire and tuned to a pitch of R + 5 in a way similar to
RCM0001.
So was this clavichord strung using iron as a treble stringing material and not using brass?
The answer, it is felt, can be found after a close look and analysis of the string scalings used in the intarsia clavichord. For most sixteenth-century virginals and harpsichords built in Italy in the century after the intarsia clavichord and RCM0001, a typical iron scaling for c2 – in Venice for example[35] at ‘normal’ pitch R – is about 340mm to 345mm or, about one Venetian piede (foot) long. Instruments with iron treble scalings near this measurement are at what the author calls ‘normal’ pitch – roughly the same as the pitch R that has been assigned to the pitch at the basis of the design of the harpsichords and virginals of the Flemish Ruckers/Couchet family. Indeed, the string scalings of the iron-strung Flemish instrument are actually very similar to what has been found here for the intarsia clavichord.
The inter-relationship between all of these scaling measurements can be seen below in Table 7. Here column 2 in this table gives the scaling for the Pythagorean part of the design according to the sizes and units actually used in the design of these two instruments and seen in the scaling graphs of Figure XXX and Figure 5 above. These, however, are based on different notes from one another: one is based on tenor g, the other on f1. Therefore, in order to compare these scalings with one another and also with those of other instruments, we need to relate them both to the usual c2-equivalent scaling designs of the later instruments at ‘normal’ pitch, rather than at a pitch of R + 5. In order to do this, the scalings are given in column 5 of Table 7 below, both at the same pitch of R + 5, simply by using the ratios of the frequencies of the notes g and f1 used here, to that of c2. In order to compare the scalings at this high pitch to ‘normal’ pitch, both values are then multiplied by 1.5 to give their normal, c2-equivalent scaling at a pitch of R. Since R is the ‘normal’ pitch used generally to determine pitches and stringing materials, the values given in column 5, can be compared with the scalings (labelled ‘Normal’ scalings in Column 6) of the instruments made in the later period in both the Italian peninsula and in Northern Europe generally, since, as a rule, they used the same stringing materials with the strings tuned to a pitch that was roughly similar in both of these extended geographical regions.
Column 1 |
Column 2 |
Column 3 |
Column 4 |
Column 5 |
Column 6 |
Column 7 |
|
Instrument |
Design scalings |
c2-equiv. at a |
Pitch factor |
c2-equiv. at |
‘Normal’ |
Stringing |
|
once |
mm |
pitch R + 5 |
for R + 5 |
a pitch R |
scalings |
material[36] |
|
RCM0001 |
g=17½ (U.o.) |
515.9 |
192.3 |
1.5 |
288.45mm |
285 |
Brass |
Urbino clavichord |
d#2 = 7 (F.o.)[37] |
226.3 |
226.3 |
1.5 |
339.45 |
340 |
Iron |
Table SEQ Table \* ARABIC 7 – A comparison of pitches, string scalings and stringing materials for the intarsia clavichord in the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino with those determined above for the RCM clavicytherium. All measurements are given in millimetres unless otherwise indicated.
Note for abbreviations: (U.o. = Urbino once; F.o. = Fossombrone/Castel Durante once).
Table 7 above shows that these two instruments must both have been designed to sound at the same pitch of R + 5, a fifth higher than the ‘normal’ pitch that survived into the Renaissance and Baroque periods, but notably in two different stringing materials.[38] The R + 5 pitch must therefore have been close to the pitch found for the 4-voet Ruckers virginals[39] at this high pitch. But these Ruckers instruments are all strung with iron strings in the treble and brass in the bass part of the compass.[40] So R + 5 is a pitch that even survived on into the seventeenth century, some 200 years after the two instruments discussed here were designed and built. A number of small Italian virginals and spinets at this high pitch – and not at octave pitch – has also been found. These instruments are not, as has been previously generally assumed, at octave pitch. The author hastens to add here that none of the authors who has so far reported on instruments at octave pitch has resorted to desperate measures, and actually calculated the pitch of these instruments. Had they done so, their results would have been quite different and would, for all of the examples seen so far by the author, pointed to a pitch of R+5 a fifth above ‘normal’ pitch R.
But perhaps the most important thing about Table 7 is that it shows that both types of stringing material – brass and iron – were used in the design of stringed-keyboard instruments by the polymaths working in Federico’s Court, even at this very early stage of the history of the design and construction of such instruments. Many authors have shown that stringed-keyboard instruments in the period after these instruments were built used one of two different treble stringing materials – iron and brass.[41] The two instruments discussed here in this work therefore show that the use of iron and brass as treble stringing materials – along with their typical design scalings – had already been established almost at the very dawn[42] of stringed-keyboard-instrument design and building in the middle of the fifteenth century. And because the instruments using both brass and iron at this very early stage are so well designed, it has to be assumed that this practice arose out of an already well-established tradition that was already much older than the date of these two exceptional instruments.
These two instruments therefore show that their designer(s) already had an extraordinary grasp of the elements of harpsichord and clavichord design even during this very early period. It would seem from this that even in about 1470 the designers and makers of keyboard instruments were knowledgeable and confident in their understanding of the basic principles involved in the design of instruments using different stringing materials[43]. It is truly extraordinary that these same principles used in Federico’s Court 570 years ago then extend further right up to the present day, and are still used in the design of modern harpsichords, virginals, spinets, clavichords and pianos.
To the author this must surely point to the fact that, although there is virtually no evidence for it except for these two instruments, there must already have been a well-established tradition of stringed-keyboard-instrument design principles at the time these instruments were first designed and built. It also points out clearly the important role that the Court of Federico da Montefeltro played in early keyboard-instrument design and building.
_______________
I consider the discoveries made about these two instruments – one virtual as only an intarsia image of a clavichord – and one a real instrument made of wood, wire and metal – to be the most important discoveries that have ever made by the author in his long career in this field.[44]
Perhaps the most impressive feature of
the intarsia image of the clavichord in the studiolo of Federico da Montefeltro
in Urbino is the accuracy with which it has been drawn and cut by the
intarsiatore. The whole of the clavichord intarsia is considerably less
than 1 metre long in its largest dimension. An error of only 1mm in the
position of any one element of the clavichord along this length therefore
amounts to an error of only
.
But even this small error would result in a pitch difference for a string length
with this much of an error, of close to 12 cents. Most of the strings are
much shorter than this and would therefore, with the same 1mm measurement
error, have a pitch error of more than 12 cents. Clearly the scalings do not
display errors of anything like this much. Indeed the actual errors committed
by the designer/intarsiatore are of the order of only 0.001% or an
accuracy of 100 times greater! This high accuracy, and the associated small
error, gives some idea of the accuracy of the intarsia drawing. In addition,
one of the many things that is remarkable about the clavichord depicted in the
Urbino studiolo intarsia is, as explained above, that it is very strongly
fretted in a way found on only a very few instruments that have survived up to
the present day.[45]
From the tuner’s point of view this would be a very convenient situation as it
means that once one pair of strings in each fretting group has been tuned to the
correct pitch, the whole fretting group consisting of the 3 or 4 notes fretted
together with it has, as a result, also been tuned correctly and accurately.
The fretting pattern is certainly not a casual feature of this instrument: it is
rather, an underlying feature that is the basis of the design of the whole
instrument. It is the single feature that gives rise to the musical
characteristics of the intarsia instrument in a medieval, Gothic context, that
affects many of its properties in a fundamental way as will be shown below.
The fretting pattern with 4- and 3-note fretted groups strongly suggests that the instrument was designed for Pythagorean intonation as noted previously by a number of authors. Indeed, Pierre Verbeek is among many of those who have suggested that the pattern of the guide slots in the rack, which are clearly visible in the intarsia, are arranged to give Pythagorean intonation with a high level of precision as well.[46]
I want to add here by way of an anecdotal remark that, although the author has taught a course about historical tuning systems for a number of years at University level, he admits that, during the time spent teaching this course, he had never really taken Pythagorean intonation seriously as a useful system with any musical or historical value. This is almost certainly because of the author’s ignorance of Medieval music and of Medieval music theory. It is also true that virtually none of the modern authors on tuning gives any weight to the importance of Pythagorean intonation either. The prevailing opinion (it is only an opinion and is not backed up by fact) although it still continues to be promulgated despite Lindley’s evidence to the contrary, is that the Pythagorean intonation tuning system is of only a passing, curious historical (but otherwise of no) interest. The evidence for this instrument being designed to use Pythagorean intonation was published as long ago as 1967 (see footnote 6 above). However, what will be shown here is that, following on from the publications of Edwin Ripin and Mark Lindley, Pythagorean intonation is found to have played a very important role in musical history, in a way that is quite contrary to what the author, at least, once believed, and which was based on the modern literature on the subject.
Usually Pythagorean intonation is disregarded by modern organologists and musicologists because, in this tuning, the major and minor thirds in the ‘home’ keys such as F major, C major, G major, etc (but really only in the ‘home’ keys) are badly out of tune in this system when the ‘wolf’ fifth is placed between B and F#[47], so that it cannot therefore be used in the later polyphonic music after about 1500.[48] Because of the importance of the major and minor thirds to post-medieval music, it is really impossible to play any of the later music using the major thirds in most of the ‘home’ keys in Pythagorean intonation when it is used with the ‘wolf’ fifth placed normally (for meantone temperament) when the music modulates to any significant degree from ‘home’. In Pythagorean intonation these major (and minor) thirds are so excruciatingly out of tune that they are completely unplayable. But, of course, the use of all of these major and minor thirds in the ‘home’ key signatures is not a feature of Medieval music. Quite the contrary!
The important contribution made by Mark Lindley, who pointed out what was patently obvious to anyone, like myself, capable of calculating the musical intervals involved, was that not all of the major and minor thirds are badly dissonant when using Pythagorean intonation. This is shown in Figure 9 below.
Figure 9 – A possible circle of pure fifths in Pythagorean intonation with an F#/B ‘wolf’, shown here with a zig-zag line.[49] The usable major thirds are shown here with heavy lines, and the usable minor thirds are shown with thin lines.
The ‘circle of fifths’ that Mark
Lindley gives in a number of his papers (see Figure 9
above) shows a succession of pure fifths going step-wise around the circle of
fifths with the dissonant fifth – the ‘wolf’ fifth – shown with a zig-zag line
between the notes F# and B.
Putting the ‘wolf’ in this position does mean that things are not as bad,
musically as it might at first seem, so far as 1-3-5 chords with good major and
minor thirds are concerned,. There are four major thirds (those shown here with
heavy lines in Figure 9)
– D to F#,
A to C#, E to G#
and B to D# - that, calculation shows, are out of tune relative to a
pure 5/4 major third by only about 2 cents. Comparing this with the usual
modern equal-temperament tuning with major thirds that are about 14 cents out of
tune, this can only be said to be very well in tune. It goes without
saying that, if the fifths are pure and if the major thirds are so very well in
tune, then the minor thirds will also be well in tune. So this is true in the
key signatures of D major, A major and E major. In addition there is a good
major third above B but, because the ‘wolf’ lies between B and F#, a
B major chord is not playable because the minor third from D# to F#
is badly out of tune because of the dissonance of the ‘wolf’ fifth. So there
are three minor thirds (shown with light lines in Figure 9)
- F#
to A, C# to E, and G#
to B that are only about 3 cents different from a pure
minor
third interval. This means, for example, that a D major chord would have a pure
fifth between D and A, an almost pure major third between D and F#
that is only slightly out of tune, and with a minor third above the F#
that is also only very marginally out of tune. Needless to say, this was a
tonality that was often chosen by composers of the High Renaissance, and almost
certainly accounts for the large number of composition of this period written in
D major. Both the major and minor thirds in the D major chord using this tuning
system are therefore much more accurately in tune than
in modern equal temperament[50]
and are also more accurately in tune than in quarter-comma and third-comma
meantone temperaments with strongly-tempered fifths. This makes it quite clear
that, although restricted as to the small number of playable tonalities, what
is normally said about Pythagorean intonation is simply not true!
Therefore, while it is true that the number of usable major and minor thirds in the ‘home’ keys in Pythagorean intonation is small, with the ‘wolf’ placed between B and F#, there are some tonalities where the use of these two intervals is quite possible and where they are, indeed, very well in tune. In fact, the dissonance of the major and minor thirds in those usable tonalities in Pythagorean intonation is much less than it is for the same intervals and tonalities in modern equal temperament – or even in any of the so-called ‘good’ Baroque temperaments.
What is both convenient and useful about Pythagorean intonation it that, just by moving the position of the wolf-fifth step-wise along in the series of pure fifths around the circle of fifths, one can re-position the good and bad major and minor thirds at will. For example, if one tunes the B to F# pure getting rid of the ‘wolf’ there, and puts the ‘wolf’ fifth between A and E instead, then the configuration shown in Figure 10 below results.
Figure 10 – Another possible circle of pure fifths in Pythagorean intonation with an E/A ‘wolf’ fifth shown here with a zig-zag line. The usable major and minor thirds are again shown here with heavy lines and thin lines respectively.
Here, with the ‘wolf’ fifth placed between E and A, there are good major and minor thirds on C, G and D, and pieces in these major tonalities would be very well in tune. A certain limited modulation around the circle of fifths would be possible starting in G major and modulating by a fifth in either direction. This makes it clear that, if one chooses the right position for the ‘wolf’ fifth and also then the correct key signature when using Pythagorean intonation, it is possible to play with pure fourths and fifths, and with major and minor thirds that are only imperceptibly out of tune. It gives rise therefore to a scale which, although restricted in the number of tonalities that are playable, and the associated restricted possibility of modulation, the effect is highly musical at least in-so-far as being harmonious. Not surprisingly, this is reflected in the tonalities of the written compositions of the time.
This simple argument means that what is usually written about the limitations of Pythagorean intonation is untrue. And if one chooses the position of the ‘wolf’ fifth and the extent and direction of the modulations in a piece, then what is achievable with Pythagorean intonation is simply not possible in any other tuning system. Until this is understood correctly, the effects achievable with Pythagorean intonation cannot truly be given the credit that they deserve.[51]
_________________________________
What is of critical importance here is that the designers of the intarsia clavichord, and those who followed on from them in the subsequent years, were opting for the benefits of intervals that were extremely well in tune, rather than the benefits of an extensive range of playable tonalities and the possibility of a wide range of modulations, both of which became possible (although still limited) only with the advent of some type of meantone tuning.
_________________________________
There is no doubt in the author’s mind that the designer(s) of the Urbino intarsia clavichord were capable of designing a clavichord which, like the Leipzig Pisaurensis clavichord discussed below had (some) pure major thirds rather than (some) pure fifths and fourths. The Urbino intarsia clavichord is therefore one of the last surviving tangible pieces of evidence that we have of the late medieval practice of the use of Pythagorean intonation in keyboard instruments before meantone temperament became the standard Baroque keyboard tuning system.
This clavichord drawn in intarsia is therefore a pivotal feature of musical history and performance practice between the Late Medieval Period and the Early Renaissance Period which, in turn, then leads on into the modern period. To the author this also points to the use of Pythagorean tuning in the RCM clavicytherium with this instrument tuned to a pitch of R+5.
It is meaningless to judge whether a system where all playable intervals are essentially pure, but where modulation is impossible, is more ‘musical’ or superior (or inferior) compared to a system where some intervals are very slightly out of tune but where some degree of tonal modulation is possible. To the author both systems are each equally valid, are equally musical, but have very deep-rooted musical differences. But to the author it also suggests that we should pay much more attention to Medieval music performed correctly at the correct pitch a fifth above the later ‘Baroque’ pitch, and with the correct tuning and the correct system of intonation. This means that we need also to utilise the correct instruments with the correct stringing and, of course, the correct tuning. The purity of the sounds and intervals using the appropriate instrument with its appropriate stringing material would result in chords (albeit without octaves because the keyboard 3-octave span was too great to play them!) of unheard of purity and musical qualities. The present fashion for the rattle of tabors and bells to accompany Medieval music to make it appealing to the modern ear would surely not longer be felt to be necessary.
_________________________________
The tuning of the intarsia clavichord is clear in telling us what the tuning system of the instrument was, and in indicating the musical benefits of this system. But it is felt securely that the RCM clavicytherium, which is probably somewhat earlier than the intarsia clavichord, must also have been tuned in Pythagorean intonation. Both instruments tuned in this way, with their strings held at a tension within a hair’s breadth of their breaking point would also have had (essentially) perfectly-tuned harmonics. They must both have had an incredibly musical sound with almost pure, perfectly-tuned intervals, perhaps unequalled by any of the later Renaissance, Baroque or modern keyboard instruments.
Section 14 – Who designed the RCM clavicytherium and the clavichord in the studiolo of Federico da Montefeltro in Urbino?
The similarity in the string-length reduction coefficients seen in the graph of the scalings of the RCM clavicytherium, and those seen in Table 4 of the intarsia clavichord scalings, is striking. To the author it suggests very strongly that the RCM clavicytherium and the Urbino intarsia clavichord were both designed by the same person, or at least in the same workshop, where the same design principles were in everyday use. The features that these two instruments, one a real instrument made of wood and wire, and one only an intarsia illustration, have in common are the following:
1. They were both made for the Court of Federico da Montefeltro – one in Urbino and one in Fossombrone/Castel Durante, but probably in a space of time separated by only about 25 years or less. The RCM0001 harpsichord uses the unit of measurement in its design and construction of Urbino itself, where 1 oncia = 29.48mm. The use of this unit in the design of the clavicytherium means the RCM clavicytherium was designed and made in Urbino with a high degree of certainty. The intarsia clavichord, although now located physically in Urbino, uses the unit of measurement of Fossombrone/Castel Durante, and was made at the same time that the new Palazzo Ducale (Corte Alta) in Fossombrone was being designed and built for Federico. The connection between the architects and artists, most of whom worked in both centres, is a strong suggestion that both of these instruments were constructed for Federico’s Court. To understand this is only to accept that Fossombrone was a part of Federico’s empire and dominion.
2. Although the two instruments were designed in different (although closely related) places with different units of measurement, the two instruments use exactly the same 3-octave keyboard span to within the error of the measurements, and to within the perspective calculations: RCM0001 has a 3-octave span of 529mm (measured) and the Urbino intarsia clavichord has a 3-octave span of 532mm (calculated from the measurements of Pierre Verbeek). These are only 3mm different from one another, even though the two were designed using clearly-different units of measurement. To the author it seems clear that the intention was to give them both exactly the same octave and 3-octave span within the constraints of the sizes of the units being used. Any difference can be explained by the attempt by the designer to use the same octave span in both instruments, even though the unit of measurement was different, in conjunction with his desire to make his design use simple, whole numbers.
3. They were both designed to sound at the same pitch of R + 5, a fifth above ‘normal’ pitch. However, RCM0001 was designed to be strung entirely using brass strings, whereas the intarsia clavichord used both iron and brass treble stringing. Mathematically the brass string scalings in the two instruments were almost identical despite the difference in the unit of measurement being used in the two different designs made in two different centres – although both centres were in the same province.
For all of these reasons it is felt that both of these instruments were designed and built in the same workshop tradition, and may even have been designed by the same person. Relative to the clavicytherium design, the intarsia clavichord design was modified slightly for stringing with treble strings in iron, and to increase the keyboard compass in accordance with the requirements of the later music. But the same unique, individual scaling-reduction-rates occur for both instruments.
There are also some additional features that they share, but the subtlety of the common reduction ratios used in the design of their string scalings is certainly the most compelling. It is also possible that the organetto from the studiolo in Gubbio, and the small portative organs in the Urbino and Gubbio studiolo intarsias, may all have been designed (not including their pipe-length ratios, of course) in exactly the same way and in the same brilliant artistic and keyboard-building workshop tradition.[52] Whether or not this is true, the accuracy with which the maker who built the RCM clavicytherium worked, and his conformity to the Urbino oncia, are nothing short of brilliant. In a similar way, the accuracy with which the intarsia clavichord in Urbino was drawn and cut, means that not only are the dimensions of the case and the string scalings clearly evident, but also even the tuning system – Pythagorean intonation – can be inferred from the intarsia.
It is said that the intarsias in Gubbio, a centre that is also within the boundaries of Federico’s Dominion, were drawn and cut in Florence[53], and that they were then transported overland to Gubbio, a very large, for the time, road distance of more than 150km. However, no evidence based on the unit of measurement used in the design of the Gubbio intarsia panels has, however, been presented in the literature to back up this assertion. It seems, instead, to be based on the modern obsession with Venice, Florence, Rome and Naples among modern art historians. And although some have suspected that the Urbino intarsias were also made in Florence and brought to Urbino, it is quite clear that the clavichord intarsia panels, at least, were made and designed in Fossombrone/Castel Durante and that they originated there without a shadow of a doubt. They certainly did not originate in Florence where the difference in the size of the unit of measurement of Florence places this assertion in the realm of complete fantasy.
One of the architects who was engaged to work on the Palazzo Ducale (The Corte Alta) in Fossombrone, but who was also, seemingly, marginally involved in the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino was Baccio (Bartolomeo) Pontelli. Pontelli arrived in the service of the Duke’s Court only in 1478, and so at the very end of the construction of the studiolo in Urbino. The archives record that he was engaged by Federico as a “legnaiolo” or wood-working specialist.[54] But his knowledge and abilities clearly went much further than that mere carpentry. Even if Pontelli didn’t actually design the clavichord in Federico’s studiolo, his obvious skill in carrying out the cutting of the intarsia is breathtaking. The political and physical connection between Fossombrone/Castel Durante and the studiolo in Urbino is otherwise unknown, and is in need of further research for confirmation.
The question then still remains: “Who was the brillian polymath who was responsible for the design of the RCM clavicytherium and the design of the studiolo intarsia clavichord?” A vast amount of work has already been done to find out who, exactly, was employed at Federico’s Court, how much they were paid, and what, exactly, they did. As has been mentioned above the whole of Federico’s library and virtually all of the remaining documents relating to Federico’s Court were, with great foresight, purchased by the city of Urbino on the death of Francesco Maria II della Rovere in 1631. These documents were then purchased from the city of Urbino by Pope Alexander VII and moved to Rome. Federico’s library was then merged with the existing part of the Vatican Library. But virtually all of the minor papers associated with the two Libraries and with Federico da Montefeltro and his heirs were ‘purged’ – in other words – they were destroyed.[55] Among these papers there would almost certainly have been the names of those who designed and carried out the studiolo intarsias. So now, with the relevant documents ‘purged’ from history, any hope of knowing who the amazing and brilliant master of the Urbino studiolo intarsias was has disappeared entirely. Also along with the documents regarding the work carried out in the studiolo in Urbino, we have also lost any hope of finding out who designed and built the great RCM clavicytherium.
Section 15 – What work still remains to be done before the history of the RCM clavicytherium can be settled completely.
Unfortunately the lack of any proper analysis using dendrochronology by the Royal College of Music can only be described as tragic. Because of this it has not been possible to suggest either a date nor a centre of construction using the results of the dendrochronology method. A good dendrochronological analysis could provide both of these for one of the most highly-important keyboard instruments in the world, and in the whole of the field of organology. The lack of any dendrochronological analysis by the RCM is a most regrettable situation and, given the vast number of dendrochronological databases now available, and the ease of carrying out such an analysis, is not really understandable given the importance of this instrument. The back of the instrument and the soundboard are both of a needlewood and the grain of the wood is clear and evident on both sides of the instrument despite its age. The sizes of the growth rings on both of these surfaces could easily be recorded photographically and then measured from the photographs. Such photographs must already have been taken and must still exist from the time of the previous restricted dendrochronological analyses (which were incorrectly pointed towards Ulm?). An analysis of these should be quite straightforward. Nonetheless a match to neither of these parts of the instrument has been found, seemingly because only the area around Ulm was considered in the past in evaluating the dendrochronology of the woods.
It is the author’s opinion that the wood growth-ring structure of the back and soundboard need now urgently to be analysed and used to date and to locate the centre of origin of the woods of these parts, using the full range of dendrochronological databases now available for the whole of Europe. Until there is confirmation of its place of origin along with a dating of the woods of the instrument using the dendrochronological method, it will not be possible to confirm the results presented here. The centre in which the instrument was almost certainly made is based here on the size of the unit of measurement used in its design and construction, and is discussed at length above. This centre is, surprisingly, found to be Urbino which, as has been stated a number of times here, is otherwise unknown as a centre of stringed-keyboard instruments.
But without a scientific dendrochronological analysis it is, of course, difficult to estimate a date of construction for the instrument with absolute certainty (or even with the uncertainty of the dendrochronological analysis), although it does seem likely that it would have been designed and made during the time of Federico da Montefeltro’s dominion in Urbino. Given the quality and state of preservation of the boards at the back of the clavicytherium, it seems incredible that such an analysis has not yet been carried out by anyone at the RCM in London. A careful analysis of the growth rings on the back of the instrument would mean not only that it could be dated to a specific period, but also that the region of the origin of the wood – and therefore also of the instrument itself – could also be confirmed. Because the original compass of the clavicytherium appears to be distinctly earlier than that of the intarsia clavichord (c.1476) studied above, it seems likely that clavicytherium would have a date about 25 years or so earlier. Because of the rapid development of both the music and the instruments at this time, by 1476 (the time of the clavichord intarsia) the compass of the RCM clavicytherium would probably have been totally out of date for the thoroughly ‘modern’ music and the equally modern instruments being built in Urbino in 1476.
So RCM0001 may, at about the time of the construction and decoration of the studiolo in the mid 1470’s, already have left Federico’s Court and found its way to Ulm. There seems to be no feature of the clavicytherium to suggest that the date of the RCM clavicytherium was, in fact, much later than, say even 1550. The dating of the handwriting of the Ulm parchment is inexact, unreliable and unscientific, but it can be used, at least as a goalpost, to estimate the date in which the instrument was moved north to Ulm. It seems that a date of about 1455, near the height of Federico’s dominance of the Urbino Court, is a quite reasonable estimate of the date of the instrument, at least until further evidence is provided by a scientific dendrochronological analysis.[56] Federico came to power only in 1444, so it seems unlikely that the clavicytherium dates to a period before this when Oddantonio or Guidantonio were the holders of the reigns of power in Urbino.
Although no direct evidence has been found for this conclusion, it is strongly suspected that the name(s) of those working in the keyboard-instrument building workshop(s) in Urbino in the period of Federico’s reign there, have been lost to posterity forever. But there is always the possibility that evidence, buried somewhere in the archives, probably in either Urbino, Fossombrone, Florence or in the Vatican Library still exists. The clear importance of these two instruments to the history of the art of keyboard-instrument making, and to the history of music itself during the transitional period when the two instruments studied here were made, is of the utmost importance to our knowledge of the transition from Medieval to Renaissance music . It is the author’s hope therefore that someone might be inspired by the author’s work here to carry out some archival research to try to discover the name(s) of the individual(s) involved in the incredibly sophisticated design and construction of these two instruments. There must have been some connection between the intarsia cutter, the architect who designed the studiolo and the actual designer of the clavichord portrayed in the intarsia.
This relationship may provide the critical clue to discovering who was at the basis of the extremely elegant design of both the Urbino clavichord and clavicytherium.
But this clearly points out the urgent need for a dendrochronological analysis. Needless to say I won’t stop trying to get this analysis done as soon as possible, whether or not I am able to include the results before the publication of this work.
Section 16 – Conclusions based on the study of the RCM clavicytherium and of the clavichord intarsia in the studiolo in the Palazzo Ducale in Urbino.
The contribution of the person (or persons) who designed the clavichord in the Urbino studiolo intarsia and of the Urbino RCM clavicytherium to the later history of stringed-keyboard instrument making is enormous. Among the features instituted and handled with confidence by the designer(s) of these two instruments at this early stage of the history of keyboard-instrument making are the following:
1. One of the most recognisable differences between the RCM clavicytherium and the Urbino studiolo intarsia clavichord, and a difference that shows how these two instruments demonstrate the transition from the earlier Medieval, Gothic music systems and the later Renaissance system is to be seen in the difference of the compasses of the two instruments. The RCM clavicytherium compass was clearly based on the old Guidonian Medieval system which used the compass Г to g2 (Gamma Ut to g2) with the three notes of variable tuning Ψ1, Ψ2 and Ψ3 below the Г ut. Within the space of about 25 years, this had already changed to the High Renaissance compass of F,G,A to f3 of the studiolo intarsia clavichord. The later compass used the bass F,G,A compass in place of the Ψ1, Ψ2, Ψ3, and Г ut, and extended the treble compass by almost an octave from g2 up to f3. The F,G,A to f3 compass endured in the clavichords, virginals, harpsichords, and especially in the organs of the period from at least 1476 until about 1590, and therefore well into the beginning of the Mannerist Period following on from the Renaissance.
2. Although it might at the present moment seem of less importance because virtually no-one now uses Pythagorean intonation, the master who designed the intarsia clavichord ties the fretting pattern used in his design very closely to the tuning system being used by the contemporary musicians in such a way that, even though the clavichord was tuned in Pythagorean intonation, the fretting design maximises the number of tonalities that the music played on it can use and in which the music can be composed and played. The use of Pythagorean intonation is as intimately tied to the 3-4-3-4 etc fretting pattern of the intarsia clavichord as is, in a more subtle but no less important way, the use of meantone temperament and the normal irregular double- and triple-fretting patterns of the clavichords built during the late sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
Because the tuning system being used in the Urbino clavichord was Pythagorean intonation, the fifths and fourths were perfectly pure intervals by definition except, of course, for the single ‘wolf’ fifth wherever it was placed. But, as has been shown above, there was also a number of very accurately-tuned major and minor thirds in this system that could be used alongside the pure fourths and fifths which could be used to marvellous effect by the composers and musicians of the period. This means that, although the keyboards of both instruments had very wide octave spans so that octaves could not be played, there was still a number of tonalities in which pure fourths and fifths could be used with major and minor thirds that were almost perfectly in tune. These were exactly the requirements of the polyphonic music being composed and performed at that time, meaning, in turn, that this clavichord could play certain major triads in a way that was musically very satisfying and harmonious – and in a way that was not achievable in any of the later tuning systems, even in the presence of keyboards with split accidentals. This intarsia clavichord is probably the first keyboard instrument that shows clearly how musical fashion, musical performance and the composition of music had moved on from the medieval plainchant, parallel-fifth style, with highly elaborate ornamentation, to the major and minor triadic schemes so typical of the Renaissance and Baroque periods.
3. The establishment of the use of both iron and yellow brass as stringing materials to the field of clavichord and harpsichord design is of enormous importance. These materials are still a fundamental feature of even the modern reproductions of historical keyboard instruments, and also of the modern piano right up to the present day. The use of these two stringing materials tuned to a pitch at or near their breaking point (and therefore at the correct pitch) in such a confident way by the designer of these two instruments, strongly suggests that – even at this early date – they were already a feature of the earliest stringed-keyboard instrument design. This then seems to point to a clearly-established tradition that was already in place, and pushes this tradition back to a date well before the actual design and construction of these instruments in about 1476, and so much further into the past than has been previously recognised.
4. These two instruments taken together are to be seen as a vital link between the medieval, Guidonian music using Pythagorean intonation with pure fifths, during the very early period – and the later music-writing and performance of the Renaissance and early Baroque periods, with meantone tuning and pure major triads and well-tuned fifths and minor thirds.
5. The ‘extra’ notes in the lowest basses of the RCM clavicytherium discussed above should, in the author’s view, be regarded as a kind of ancestor to the later ‘normal’ bass short-octave whose use became standard in the later Renaissance and Baroque periods. But the ‘short-octave’ in use in the second half of the fifteenth century was unlike the later short-octave arrangement with the fixed notes C/E, D/FT and E/GT. Instead the compasses of these early short-octave instruments need to be seen as instruments with a Ψ1, Ψ2, Ψ3, Г to g2 compass (like the RCM clavicytherium) and not F,G,A to f3 but rather with a F/Ψ1, G/Ψ2, A/Ψ3, BI/Ψ4, B to f3. In the latter case, the four lowest notes could all be capable of a variable tuning, and these would then be followed by the ‘standard’ notes, for Medieval keyboard instruments of either B to a2, or occasionally, of B to f3. In the author’s view, in both the clavicytherium and in the intarsia clavichord, the bottom 3 notes and 4 notes respectively are independent notes that could be tuned to any desired note depending on the music and the choice of how the musician wanted to play the music. We are used to the E, F#and G# of the normal short octave not actually being tuned to these apparent notes, but to the diatonic notes C, D and E that are essential as roots to so many of the normal tonalities playable in meantone temperament. In the author’s view we need now to accept that the four lowest notes of a medieval stringed-keyboard instrument can have a variable tuning and also that their actual pitch has nothing to do with their apparent pitches of F,G,A and BI. The F,G,A to f3 table organs obviously had to play the apparent notes of their bass compass, but the F,G,A compass was short-lived, presumably because of the confusion of the pitches of the lowest notes of the organs with the pitches of the lowest notes of instruments like the Urbino intarsia clavichord.
What has been shown above is that the clavichord depicted in the Urbino studiolo intarsia and the clavicytherium RCM0001, stand clearly and brightly at the crossroads where the direction of music and stringed-keyboard instrument design changed direction from the earlier Medieval-Guidonian era, and moved down a new road in the direction of polyphony and the music of the early Renaissance. The role of the Ducal Court and of Federico da Montefeltro in this transition is of fundamental importance to our understanding of the transition from Medieval to Renaissance music and is exemplified by the design of RCM0001 and the Urbino intarsia clavichord. There is no other centre known to have made the giant steps made by the designers of these two instruments, except for Urbino.
This now needs to be recognised and re-assessed.
In parallel with this, it is important to remember that these instruments would never have existed in the first place without the favourable cultural and intellectual climate that existed at the Court of Federico da Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino. Federico was immensely wealthy, and without him financing these new moves,ss which were capable of sustaining those artists, scholars and some of the greatest minds of the time within the Medieval walls of Urbino, it is very hard to imagine that any of this would ever have happened. Those who inhabited Federico’s Court were all of the highest calibre imaginable, and were all fostered by Federico’s Court. This influence extends beyond Urbino itself, to those other centres where Federico da Montefeltro’s influence extended such as Fossombrone/Castel Durante and Gubbio.
The brilliance of the keyboard designers and makers working for Federico is clearly illustrated in the two instruments studied here in the two previous chapters. But without Federico it is unlikely that either of these instruments would have been designed and built in the first place, and therefore they would not have come down to us today. This makes the Court of Federico and these two instruments created at this Courti, factors of immense importance and fundamental significance to the history of music and to the history of stringed-keyboard instrument design in particular.
©Grant O’Brien
Edinburgh,
July, 2025
[1] See the excellent work by Cecil H. Clough, ‘Federico da Montefeltro and the kings of Naples: a study in fifteenth-century survival’, Renaissance Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2, 1992).
[2] See Pierre Verbeek, ‘The Urbino clavichord re-visited’, De Clavicordio. Proceedings of the International Clavichord Symposium/Atti del congresso internazionale sul clavicordo. Magnano, 2011, edited by Bernard Brauchli, A. Galazzo and J. Wardman, (Istituto per i Beni Musicali in Piemonte, Turin, 2011) and ‘Reconstruction of the Urbino Clavichord’, Jubilee Symposium 2012 of the Nederlands Clavichord Genootschap, Leiden, 28-30 September, 2012. Pierre Verbeek has also made a careful reproduction of the Urbino clavichord getting the various dimensions and measurements for his ‘copy’ from the intarsia ‘drawing’ by using the standard principles of perspective referred to in footnote 133 below.
[3] The name of Guidantonio’s murderer is not known for certain, but there are rumours that it may actually have been Federico himself.
[4] For an excellent representation of many of the intarsia images in the Urbino Studiolo, including the clavichord image, see Luciano Cheles, The Sudiolo of Urbino. An Iconograhic Investigation, (The Pennsylvania State University Press, Wiesbaden, 1986).
[5] My thanks to Pierre Verbeek for permission to publish his photograph of this remarkable instrument. He has also provided me with most of his measurements taken directly from the intarsia, and these measurements are what has been used for the analyses presented here.
[6] See Edwin M. Ripin, The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 53, Issue 4, October 1967, pp. 518 – 538; and Angelo Mondino, Il clavicordo. Interpretazione e ricostruzione di antichi strumenti a tastiera, (Libreria Musicale Italiana Editrice, Lucca, 1993) and ‘The intarsia of Urbino’, De Clavicordio, Proceedings of the International Clavichord Symposium, ed. Bernard Brauchli, Susan Brauchli, and Alberto Galazzo, (Magnano, 1994), pp. 49 – 55 and Pierre Verbeek in footnote 129.
[7] See footnote 195. The author is currently preparing a history and analysis of all of the virginals made by Gianfrancesco Antegnati all of which, with the exception of just one which began with a bass compass of E,F,G,A, originally had the F,G,A bass compass, the same.
[8] The following highly reliable metrologists give the unit of measurement used during the historical period in Fossombrone as 27.15mm: Giovanni Croci, Dizionario universale dei pesi e delle misure in uso presso gli antichi e moderni con ragguaglio ai pesi e misure del sistema metrico, (The Author, Milan, 1860), L. Malvasi, La metrologia italiana ne' suoi scambievoli rapporti desunti dal confronto col sistema metrico-decimale, (Fratelli Malvasi, Modena, 1842-44), and Horace Doursther, Dictionnaire universel des poids et mesures anciens et modernes, (M Hayer, Brussels, 1840).
[9] It is assumed here that the lengths of the strings ‘drawn’ on the intarsia are accurate to, and have been measured to, the nearest ½ millimetre. The ‘oncia’ measurements are all in units of the Fossombrone/Castel Durante oncia.
[10] It is assumed everywhere from this point onwards, that the lowest 3 notes of the compass of the Urbino intarsia clavichord begin with the notes F,G,A and not with notes of variable pitch Ψ, which were introduced here earlier to describe the compass of the RCM clavicytherium which is otherwise the only surviving instrument with this compass.
[11] The discussion that follows is very dense and rather complicated. I might perhaps suggest that, at this point, the reader stops for a moment to make a refreshing cup of coffee before trying to follow the arguments that follow. There will be a second chance to do this as suggested below!
[12] The symbolic significance of these missing notes is discussed by Pierre Verbeek in his publications on this instrument (see footnote 129 above).
[13] The square of the distance is calculated here in order that the result is always positive. Minimising the square of the distances of the points from the lines gives the best possible fit of the points to the line. The method used here can be found in any standard textbook of statistical analysis. The calculations can be carried out manually, by using a good pocket calculator or, as has been done here, by using the Excel programme.
[14] The rate at which the string lengths double in length for each section will be discussed below in the next section.
[15] Although a scale has been included here, the image is not drawn accurately to scale. Also the instrument in the actual studiolo intarsia is bichord, and not monochord as shown here for simplicity.
[16] It is to be noted that the design of RCM discussed above was also based on multiplying one of the lengths by a constant factor, but for the RCM clavicytherium the multiplication factor was less than 1, whereas for this clavichord it is the reciprocal of the factor which was always greater than 1.
[17] These errors are those calculated by the linear-regression analyses by the method of least squares (l.r.a.b.t.m.o.l.s.) done at the same time that the slopes were calculated. The factor which contributed most to these errors is the unequal spacing of the tangents in order to produce Pythagorean intonation, at the same time as the fitting of the scalings.
[18] These are the differences between the lengths calculated by the exact and by the pragmatic methods.
[19] Decimal fractions had, in fact, already been introduced into the European World by the Flemish mathematician Simon Stevin in 1586 – some 30 years before the publication of Napier’s work. Simon Stevin (1548–1620), was a Flemish mathematician, scientist and music theorist. He translated various mathematical terms into Dutch, making it one of the few European languages in which the word for mathematics, wiskunde (i.e., ‘the knowledge of what is certain’) was not based on a Greek root (as in mathematics), but on Latin, and then directly into Dutch/Flemish. For much of the subsequent historical period, Stevin was thought to have been the inventor of decimal fractions. However, in the middle of the 20th century, researchers discovered that decimal fractions had already been introduced by the medieval Islamic scholar Abu'l-Hasan al-Uqlidisi in a book written in 952. Needless to say, the Western prejudice against the Islamic world has caused al-Uqlidisi’s work to remain unrecognised until about 1427. However it is now recognised that a systematic development of decimal fractions was given in a later book, still of the Medieval period, which Miftah al-Hisab had written in 1427 by Al-Kashi, who ranks among the greatest mathematicians and astronomers in the Islamic world. Stevin was among the first to refute Arisotles’s contention that heavier bodies should fall faster than light ones. He also made numerous other contributions to mathematics and to the sciences. A JKoster footnote. – see if Johnny remembers what he meant by this!!
[20] This section of this book describes one of the most sophisticated devices in the history of early keyboard-instrument design and building. I can assure the reader that it is not easy to understand how the design was carried out, and how sophisticated the design is in practice. It might be an opportune point in this discussion for the reader to make themselves another cup of strong coffee and then to return to this section before reading and re-reading it and, possibly then realising the mind-numbing sophistication of this design! What I, as author of this work about this clavichord, still have trouble comprehending is that this design was carried ouT 570 years ago!
[21] I would like to express my thanks to Peter Bavington for his help and discussions about multiple fretting in historical clavichords. In a letter sent to me privately, Peter Bavington, in a revealing .html document written by him: Catalogue of surviving multiple-fretted clavichords, lists no other instrument either surviving nor found in documentary references that has the same extended 3-4-3-4 -etc. fretting pattern as that found in the Urbino intarsia clavichord.
[22] By now you should have finished your coffee!! - look back and see footnote 138.
[23] Denzil Wraight, quite appropriately I think, calls this system “compressed” fretting. But he does not give a name for the “?expanded?” treble fretting system used in the treble part of this clavichord.
[24] It is almost certain that what is anyway a very small error, is mostly the error incurred by Pierre Verbeek, and not by the maker/designer/cutter of the clavichord intarsia. But the low value of this error indicates also that Pierre Verbeek’s measurements were very accurate indeed, and the reader is asked to note that I do not, in any way, denigrate the splendid work of Pierre Verbeek.
[25] I am particularly grateful to Pierre Verbeek for sending me a high-resolution image of the Urbino clavichord bridge for inclusion in this paper.
[26] See page 13 of footnote 129.
[27] This is the difference between the suggested measurement in millimetres and the same measurement expressed in the once of Fossombrone.
[28] Perhaps some diligent Ph.D. student will now take up the challenge of finding some other instrument(s) with this otherwise unique scaling multiplication factor.
[29] This, again, emphasises the importance of catalogue descriptions to include the length of both the ‘c’ and ‘f’ strings, or even better of all of the strings in the compass of the instrument. Without knowing all of the string lengths such changes in the design are invisible – even to someone who is not blind!
[30] See Denzil Wraight, ‘Il cembalo italiano al tempo di Frescobaldi: Problemi relativi alla misurazione delle corde e alla tastiera’, Girolamo Frescobaldi nel IV centenario della nascità, ed. S. Durante and D. Fabris, (Florence, 1986), 377ff. Although Wraight pointed this out almost 45 years ago, most catalogue writers since then have persisted in giving the lengths of only the ‘c’ strings and so disguising the fundamental design of hundreds and hundreds of these instruments which are, in fact, all designed in terms of the ‘f’ notes. This is clearly a most unfortunate and unscientific situation. And this situation is made even clearer in the case of the 5-octave 18th-century plucked keyboard instruments made in France and England (and elsewhere as well) which have a keyboard compass of F1 to f3, and which are designed entirely on the basis of the lengths of their f notes without any reference in their design to the c notes and without any reference to the length of c2, on which most organologists and catalogues seem to be obsessed.
[31] See a footnote above.
[32] See footnote 129 above.
[33] It is not clear on what basis a pitch comparison or pitch assignment has been made by Verbeek
[34] The fact that the pitch comparison is for instruments made at times more than a century apart is irrelevant here since it is generally accepted that the properties of the wire being used for the stringing of musical instruments were unchanged from their earliest use in musical instruments and at least up to the end of the eighteenth century – see Martha Goodway and Jay Scott Odell, ‘The metallurgy of 17th- and 18th-century music wire’, The Historical Harpsichord Volume 2, Howard Schott editor, (Pendragon Press, Stuyvesant, NY, 1987).
[35] Numerous sources of historical organology give the length of 1 Venetian piede = 12 Venetian once values between about 342mm to 347mm.
[36] It is to be understood here that, as usual, it is the treble stringing material that is under consideration here.
[37] See Table 8 above.
[38] See Alfons Huber, ‘Iron scale or brass scale – When and where were these concepts first used?’, De Clavicordio, Proceedings of the IV International Clavichord Symposium/Atti del IV congresso internazionale sul clavicordo. Magnano, 10 – 13 September 2003, edited by Bernard Brauchli, Alberto Galazzo and Ivan Moody, (Musica antica a Magnano, Magnano, 2004) 11-28.
[39] There was also one harpsichord designed to sound at this pitch. See my book quoted in footnote 205 of this work.
[40] See the reference on pp. 223 – 4 in my Ruckers book (footnote 108 above).
[41] Extensive work that I have carried out on Italian instruments made in the sixteenth century shows that most makers used either iron or brass to string the treble part of the compasses of all of the instruments they made. But I have also been able to show (unpublished work in preparation) that Giovanni (Ioannes) Celestini used treble iron stringing with the bass strung in brass in some instruments and only brass stringing throughout the entire compass in others. In those instrument where both iron and brass were used (treble stringing in iron), the change in use from one material type to the other occurred consistently at the same c2-equivalent scaling during the period after about 1620. This is confirmed by the work done by Denzil Wraight – see footnotes 133, 157 and 265.
[42] I suppose I must have been asleep when the sun came up on this wondrous dawn, so I now don’t have much of an idea when it actually occurred!
[43] Indeed they had a much better grasp of the subject than most modern organologists working now in a period some 550 years after the designers of these two remarkable instruments.
[44] Most of the work carried out in this research happened during the Great Covid-19 Lockdowns of 2020, 2021 and 2023, and coincided with my own 80th birthday!
[45] See footnote 148.
[46] See Pierre Verbeek, footnote 129 above.
[47] This is where it would be placed in meantone temperament, but there is no other reason for placing it there as it produced excellent major thirds in many other positions in the musical scale.
[48] Whether this is true or not clearly depends on where the ‘wolf’ fifth is placed. It is possible to position the ‘wolf’ fifth in the cycle of fifths so that c-major is well in tune as are the sharp tonalities g-major and d-major and the flat tonalities f-major and bI-major on either side of c-major.
[49] This diagram is a slight variation on that found in the excellent entry by Mark Lindley, ‘Pythagorean intonation’, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, (OUP, Oxford, 1980) and in the corresponding entry in Oxford Music Online.
[50] In equal temperament the major thirds are 13.7 cents out of tune; the minor thirds are 15.6 cents out of tune.
[51] I have a long-standing and fundamental grudge against those whom I call ‘arm-chair organologists’. These are the writers and ‘scholars’ in the field who do not bother to actually measure and analyse musical instruments themselves (or they measure them but then fail to analyse them scientifically). They are the ones who do not bother to think through the conclusions of others without making sure that the results of the calculations their colleagues have carried out are correct. They are those who sit at their desks – or in their armchairs – and regurgitate what others have written previously, but without questioning the conclusions and results that they get. The process is then repeated again and again until the errors published previously take on the role of the truth, and of accurate fact. Mark Lindley published his brilliant paper on Pythagorean intonation (see footnote 92) in 1980. I have not bothered to sift through the literature to see how many times and how many authors have continued to write erroneously about the characteristics of Pythagorean intonation, despite the correct information being readily available to them after Lindley’s paper of 1980. I admit that, for a time, I was one of them myself!
Before organology can advance as a true science, all of those involved in the field must try to cherish in those that follow on after us a strong desire to question everything and not to accept anything that previous authors have concluded. Without this, organology will not progress as a truly scientific field of study.
[53] See Luciano Cheles, footnote 131 above. Florence, during this time was outside of Federico’s realm, outside of the influence of the scholars working for Federico. Cheles provides no scientific basis for his contention, and so I feel that it cannot really be substantiated scientifically.
[54] Different levels of ‘carpenter’ can be specified in Italian. The term “legnaiolo” signifies a degree of skill in wood-working ability that is much higher than that of an ‘ebanista’ [or cabinet maker], and certainly much more skilled than a falegname [or a carpenter or joiner]. It is only surmised that he was involved in the studiolo in Urbino, but, in the face of the lack of any evidence to the contrary, this title would make Baccio Pontelli a perfect candidate for the job. And by specifying him as a “legnaiolo” just adds toe the evidence that it was Baccio Pontelli who was involved in the design of the studiolo and the images in it.
[55] What has become clear to me as a result of this study, in a field with which I am only marginally familiar, is that scholars in the field of the arts often don’t say exactly what they mean! Neither does any good Roman Catholic want to admit that any of the Roman popes did anything to destroy our common cultural heritage!
[56] I have now been waiting for, and chivvying those at the RCM, for more than 10 years now to provide me with a dendrochronological analysis of the wood(s) of this precious, highly interesting instrument of an extremely high value to organology, to music history, to performance practice history and to the basic precepts of organology generally. I really do not understand the reluctance of those in charge of the museum at the RCM to get a dendrochronological analysis of the woods of the RCM clavicytherium done. The associated delay to our knowledge of the organology of this extremely important instrument is, quite simply inexplicable.
Like the RCM clavicytherium discussed above, this instrument is also not to be taken lightly. It shares the honour of being the oldest surviving depiction of a stringed-keyboard instrument in the world. And like the clavicytheriu, it is also an instrument with a design and execution that matches or exceeds that of virtually all later stringed-keyboard instruments.
But it does need a bit of science and mathematics to arrive at this conclusion.
However, it is also true that:
ARS SINE SCIENTIA NIHIL EST!
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